South  American  Fights  &  Fighters 
And  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 


**  The  Poor  Little  Governor    .    .    .    Distanced  His  Fierce  Pursuers 
at  Last  "     (  See  page  26.) 


AMERICAN    FIGHTS    AND    FIGHTERS    SERIES 


South  American 
Fights  and  Fighters 

AND  OTHER  TALES  OF  ADVENTURE 

BY 

CYRUS  TOWNSEND  BRADY,  LL.  D. 


ILLUSTRATIONS  BY 

SEYMOUR  M.  STONE,  GEORGE  GIBBS,  W.  J.  AYLWARD 
AND  J.  N.  MARCHAND 

TOGETHER  WITH  REPRODUCTIONS  FROM 
OLD  PRINTS  AND   PORTRAITS 


Garden  City        New  York 

DOUBLEDAY,  PAGE  &  COMPANY 

mcmxvi 


ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED,  INCLUDING  THAT  OF  TRANSLATION 
INTO  FOREIGN  LANGUAGES,  INCLUDING  THE  SCANDINAVIAN 


COPYRIGHT,    iglO,  BY  DOUBLEDAY,  PAGE  &  COMPANY 
PUBLISHED,     APRIL,     IQIO 


To 

George  William  Beatty 

Good  Fellow,  Good  Citizen 
Good  Friend 


498425 


PREFACE 

The  first  part  of  this  new  volume  of  the  American 
Fights  and  Fighters  Series  needs  no  special  intro- 
duction. Partly  to  make  this  the  same  size  as  the 
other  books,  but  more  particularly  because  I  espec- 
ially desired  to  give  a  permanent  place  to  some  of  the 
most  dramatic  and  interesting  episodes  in  our  history 
— especially  as  most  of  them  related  to  the  Pacific  and 
the  Far  West  —  the  series  of  papers  in  part  second 
was  included. 

"The  Yarn  of  the  Essex,  Whaler"  is  abridged  from 
a  quaint  account  written  by  the  Mate  and  published 
in  an  old  volume  which  is  long  since  out  of  print 
and  very  scarce.  The  papers  on  the  Tonquin,  John 
Paul  Jones,  and  "The  Great  American  Duellists" 
speak  for  themselves.  The  account  of  the  battle  of 
the  Pitt  River  has  never  been  published  in  book  form 
heretofore.  The  last  paper  "On  Being  a  Boy  Out 
West"  I  inserted  because  I  enjoy  it  myself,  and  because 
I  have  found  that  others  young  and  old  who  have 
read  it  generally  like  it  also. 

Thanks  are  due  and  are  hereby  extended  to  the 
following  magazines  for  permission  to  republish  vari- 

vii 


viii   South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

ous  articles  which  originally  appeared  in  their  pages: 
Harper  s>  Munsey's,  The  Cosmopolitan)  Sunset  and 
The  New  Era. 

I  project  another  volume  of  the  Series  supplementing 
the  two  Indian  volumes  immediately  preceding  this 
one,  but  the  information  is  hard  to  get,  and  the  work 
amid  many  other  demands  upon  my  time,  proceeds 
slowly. 

Cyrus  Townsend  Brady. 

St.  George's  Rectory, 
Kansas  City,  Mo.,  February,  1910. 


CONTENTS 

i 

Part  I 
SOUTH  AMERICAN  FIGHTS  AND  FIGHTERS 

PAGE 

PANAMA  AND  THE  KNIGHTS-ERRANT  OF  COLONIZATION 

I.    The  Spanish  Main       3 

II.    The  Don  Quixote  of  Discoverers  and  His  Rival     .    .  5 

III.  The  Adventures  of  Ojeda       10 

IV.  Enter  One  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa 17 

V.    The  Desperate  Straits  of  Nicuesa 20 

PANAMA,  BALBOA  AND  A  FORGOTTEN  ROMANCE 

I.    The  Coming  of  the  Devastator       31 

II.    The  Greatest  Exploit  Since  Columbus's  Voyage  ...  34 

III.  "Furor  Domini"      42 

IV.  The  End  of  Balboa 44 

PERU  AND  THE  PIZARROS 

I.    The  Chief  Scion  of  a  Famous  Family       53 

II.    The  Terrible  Persistence  of  Pizarro      ......  57 

III.  "A  Communistic  Despotism" 68 

IV.  The  Treacherous  and  Bloody   Massacre   of   Caxa- 

marca 73 

V.    The  Ransom  and  Murder  of  the  Inca 85 

VI.    The  Inca  and  the  Peruvians  Strike  Vainly  for  Free- 
dom   93 

VII.    "The  Men  of  Chili"  and  the  Civil  Wars 102 

VIII.    The  Mean  End  of  the  Great  Conquistador    ....  105 

IX.    The  Last  of  the  Brethren 108 

THE  GREATEST  ADVENTURE  IN  HISTORY 

I.    The  Chief  of  all  the  Soldiers  of  Fortune     ....  115 

II.    The  Expedition  to  Mexico 120 

III.    The  Religion  of  the  Aztecs 125 

ix 


x      South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

PAGE 

IV.    The  March  to  Tenochtitlan       130 

V.    The  Republic  of  Tlascala 138 

VI.    Cortes's  Description  of  Mexico      147 

VII.    The  Meeting  with  Montezuma 163 

VIII.    The  Seizure  of  the  Emperor 171 

IX.    The  Revolt  of  the  Capital 174 

X.    In  God's  Way 177 

XI.    The  Melancholy  Night       ,    .    .  182 

XII.    The  Siege  and  Destruction  of  Mexico 194 

XIII.  A  Day  of  Desperate  Fighting 198 

XIV.  The  Last  Mexican .  315 

XV.    The  End  of  Cortes 318 

Part  II 

OTHER  TALES  OF  ADVENTURE 

THE  YARN  OF  THE  "ESSEX,"  WHALER 331 

SOME  FAMOUS  AMERICAN  DUELS 345 

I.    A  Tragedy  of  Old  New  York 346 

II.    Andrew  Jackson  as  a  Duellist 348 

III.  The  Killing  of  Stephen  Decatur 351 

IV.  An  Episode  in  the  Life  of  James  Bowie 353 

V.    A  Famous  Congressional  Duel 354 

VI.    The  Last  Notable  Duel  in  America 356 

THE  CRUISE  OF  THE"  TONQUIN" 361 

JOHN  PAUL  JONES 281 

I.    The  Birth  of  the  American  Navy 383 

II.    Jones  First  Hoists  the  Stars  and  Stripes 384 

III.  The  Battle  with  the  "Serapis" 385 

IV.  A  Hero's  Famous  Sayings 387 

V.    What  Jones  Did  for  His  Country 388 

VI.    Why  Did  He  Take  the  Name  of  Jones 389 

VII.    A  Search  for  Historical  Evidence 393 

VIII.    The  Joneses  of  North  Carolina 396 

IX.    Paul  Jones  Never  a  Man  of  Wealth       397 

IN  THE  CAVERNS  OF  THE  PITT 301 

BEING  A  BOY  OUT  WEST 315 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


"The  Poor  Little  Governor  .  .  .  Distanced  His  Fierce 

Pursuers  at  Last Frontispiece 

Drawing  by  Seymour  M.  Stoae 

PACIKG  PAGE 

*  Ojeda  Galloped  Off  With  His  .  .  .  Captive  "    .  6 

Drawing  by  Seymour  M.  Stone 

"The  Indians  Poured  a  Rain  of  Poisoned  Arrows  "      .  7 

Drawing  by  Seymour  M.  Stone 

"  Balboa  .  .  .  Engaged  in  Superintending  the  Roofing 

of  a  House" 34 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs 

"The    Expedition  Had  to  Fight   Its  Way   Through 

Tribes  of  Warlike  and  Ferocious  Mountaineers  "    .        35 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs 

"He  Took  Possession  of  the  Sea  in  the    Name  of 

Castile  and  Leon" 4° 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs 

"He  Threw  the  Sacred  Volume  to  the  Ground  in  a 
Violent  Rage  " ♦       4 l 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs 

"They  Burst  Upon  the  Ranks  of  the  Unarmed  Indians"       86 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs 

"The  Three  Pizarros  .  .  .  Sallied  Out  to  Meet  Them  "       87 

Drawing  by  George  Gibba 

"  He  Threw  Hii  Sole  Remainino  Weapon  in  the  Faces 

OF  THE  EsCALADERi " 102 

Drawing  by  G«rg*  Gibbs 

Fernando  Cortes .     103 

From  a  picture  in  the  Floreace  Gallery 


Illustrations 


FACING  PAGE 

The  Death  of  Montezuma *78 

From  an  old  engraving 

"  He  Defended  Himself  With  His  Terrible  Spear  "       .      179 

Drawing  by  George  Gibbs 

"  The  Ship  Came  to  a  Dead  Stop  " 234 

Drawing  by  W.  J.  Aylward 

The  Killing  of  Alexander  Hamilton  by  Aaron  Burr     .      235 

Drawing  by  J.  N.  Marchand 

The  publishers  wish  to  acknowledge  their  indebtedness  to  The  Cosmopol- 
itan Magazine  and  Munsey's  Magazine  for  permission  to  use  several  of  the 
illustrations  in  this  volume. 


Part  I 

SOUTH  AMERICAN  FIGHTS 
AND   FIGHTERS 

I 
Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant  of  Colonization 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant  of 
Colonization 

I.     The  Spanish  Main 

ONE  of  the  commonly  misunderstood  phrases 
in  the  language  is  "the  Spanish  Main." 
To  the  ordinary  individual  it  suggests  the 
Caribbean  Sea.  Although  Shakespeare  in  "Othello," 
makes  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  Cyprus  say  that 
he  "cannot  'twixt  heaven  and  main  descry  a  sail," 
and,  therefore,  with  other  poets,  gives  warrant  to  the 
application  of  the  word  to  the  ocean,  "main"  really 
refers  to  the  other  element.  The  Spanish  Main  was 
that  portion  of  South  American  territory  distinguished 
from  Cuba,  Hispaniola  and  the  other  islands,  because 
it  was  on  the  main  land. 

When  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Caribbean  Sea 
were  a  Spanish  lake,  the  whole  circle  of  territory, 
bordering  thereon  was  the  Spanish  Main,  but  of  late 
the  title  has  been  restricted  to  Central  and  South 
America.  The  buccaneers  are  those  who  made  it 
famous.  So  the  word  brings  up  white-hot  stories  of 
battle,  murder  and  sudden  death. 

The  history  of  the  Spanish  Main  begins  in  1509, 
with  the  voyages  of  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa,  which  were 
the  first  definite  and  authorized  attempts  to  colonize 
the  mainland  of  South  America. 

The  honor  of  being  the  first  of  the  fifteenth-century 


4    South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

navigators  to  set  foot  upon  either  of  the  two  American 
continents,  indisputably  belongs  to  John  Cabot,  on 
June  24,  1497.  Who  was  next  to  make  a  continental 
landfall,  and  in  the  more  southerly  latitudes,  is  a 
question  which  lies  between  Columbus  and  Amerigo 
Vespucci. 

Fiske,  in  a  very  convincing  argument  awards  the 
honor  to  Vespucci,  whose  first  voyage  (May  1497  to 
October  1498)  carried  him  from  the  north  coast  of 
Honduras  along  the  Gulf  coast  around  Florida,  and 
possibly  as  far  north  as  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  to 
the  Bahamas  on  his  return. 

Markham  scouts  this  claim.  Winsor  neither  agrees 
nor  dissents.  His  verdict  in  the  case  is  a  Scottish  one, 
"Not  proven."  Who  shall  decide  when  the  doctors 
disagree  ?  Let  every  one  choose  for  himself.  As  for 
me,  I  am  inclined  to  agree  with  Fiske. 

If  it  were  not  Vespucci,  it  certainly  was  Columbus 
on  his  third  voyage  ( 149 8- 1500).  On  this  voyage,  the 
chief  of  the  navigators  struck  the  South  American 
shore  off  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  and  sailed  westward 
along  it  for  a  short  distance  before  turning  to  the  north- 
ward. There  he  found  so  many  pearls  that  he  called 
it  the  "Pearl  Coast."  It  is  interesting  to  note  that, 
however  the  question  may  be  decided,  all  the  honors 
go  to  Italy.  Columbus  was  a  Genoese.  Cabot, 
although  born  in  Genoa,  had  lived  many  years  in  Venice 
and  had  been  made  a  citizen  there;  while  Vespucci 
was  a  Florentine. 

The  first  important  expedition  along  the  northern 
coast  of  South  America  was  that  of  Ojeda  in  1499-1500, 
in  company  with  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  next  to  Columbus 
the  most  expert  navigator  and  pilot  of  the  age,  and 
Vespucci,  perhaps  his  equal  in  nautical  science  as  he 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant         5 

was  his  superior  in  other  departments  of  polite  learning. 
There  were  several  other  explorations  of  the  Gulf 
coast,  and  its  continuations  on  every  side,  during  the 
same  year,  by  one  of  the  Pizons,  who  had  accompanied 
Columbus  on  his  first  voyage;  by  Lepe;  by  Cabral,  a 
Portuguese,  and  by  Bastidas  and  La  Cosa,  who  went 
for  the  first  time  as  far  to  the  westward  as  Porto  Rico  on 
the  Isthmus  of  Darien. 

On  the  fourth  and  last  voyage  of  Columbus,  he 
reached  Honduras  and  thence  sailed  eastward  and 
southward  to  the  Gulf  of  Darien,  having  not  the 
least  idea  that  the  shore  line  which  he  called  Veragua 
was  in  fact  the  border  of  the  famous  Isthmus  of  Panama. 
There  were  a  number  of  other  voyages,  including  a 
further  exploration  by  La  Cosa  and  Vespucci,  and  a 
second  by  Ojeda  in  which  an  abortive  attempt  was 
made  to  found  a  colony;  but  most  of  the  voyages  were 
mere  trading  expeditions,  slave-hunting  enterprises 
or  searches,  generally  fruitless,  for  gold  and  pearls. 
Ojeda  reported  after  one  of  these  voyages  that  the 
English  were  on  the  coast.  Who  these  English  were 
is  unknown.  The  news,  however,  was  sufficiently 
disquieting  to  Ferdinand,  the  Catholic  —  and  also 
the  Crafty! — who  now  ruled  alone  in  Spain,  and  he 
determined  to  frustrate  any  possible  English  movement 
by  planting  colonies  on  the  Spanish  Main. 

II.    The  Don  Quixote  of  Discoveries   and  His  Rival 

Instantly  two  claimants  for  the  honor  of  leading 
such  an  expedition  presented  themselves.  The  first 
Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  the  other  Diego  de  Nicuesa.  Two 
more  extraordinary  characters  never  went  knight- 
erranting  upon  the  seas.     Ojeda  was  one  of  the  pro- 


6    South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

digious  men  of  a  time  which  was  fertile  in  notable 
characters.  Although  small  in  stature,  he  was  a  man 
of  phenomenal  strength  and  vigor.  He  could  stand  at 
the  foot  of  the  Giralda  in  Seville  and  throw  an  orange 
over  it,  a  distance  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  feet  from 
the  earth  !* 

Wishing  to  show  his  contempt  for  danger,  on  one 
occasion  he  ran  out  on  a  narrow  beam  projecting  some 
twenty  feet  from  the  top  of  the  same  tower  and  there, 
in  full  view  of  Queen  Isabella  and  her  court,  performed 
various  gymnastic  exercises,  such  as  standing  on  one 
leg,  e t  cetera^  for  the  edification  of  the  spectators,  return- 
ing calmly  and  composedly  to  the  tower  when  he  had 
finished  the  exhibition. 

He  was  a  magnificent  horseman,  an  accomplished 
knight  and  an  able  soldier.  There  was  no  limit  to  his 
daring.  He  went  with  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage, 
and,  single-handed,  effected  the  capture  of  a  powerful 
/  Indian  cacique  named  Caonabo,  by  a  mixture  of 
adroitness,  audacity  and  courage. 

Professing  amity,  he  got  access  to  the  Indian,  and, 
exhibiting  some  polished  manacles,  which  he  declared 
were  badges  of  royalty,  he  offered  to  put  them  on  the 
fierce  but  unsophisticated  savage  and  then  mount  the 
chief  on  his  own  horse  to  show  him  off  like  a  Spanish 
monarch  to  his  subjects.  The  daring  programme  was 
carried  out  just  exactly  as  it  had  been  planned. 
When  Ojeda  had  got  the  forest  king  safely  fettered 
and  mounted  on  his  horse,  he  sprang  up  behind  him, 
held  him  there  firmly  in  spite  of  his  efforts,  and  galloped 
off  to  Columbus  with  his  astonished  and  disgusted 
captive. 

♦At  least,  the  assertion  is  gravely  made  by  the  ancient  chroniclers.     I  wonder 
what  kind  of  an  outfielder  he  would  have  made  today. 


"  Ojeda  Galloped  Off  with  His  Astonished  Captive 


"The  Indians  Poured  a  Rain  of  Poisoned  Arrows 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant       7 

Neither  of  the  voyages  was  successful.  With  all 
of  his  personal  prowess,  he  was  an  unsuccessful  admin- 
istrator. He  was  poor,  not  to  say  penniless.  He  had 
two  powerful  friends,  however.  One  was  Bishop 
Fonseca,  who  was  charged  with  the  administration  of 
affairs  in  the  Indies,  and  the  other  was  stout  old  Juan 
de  la  Cosa.  These  two  men  made  a  very  efficient 
combination  at  the  Spanish  court,  especially  as  La 
Cosa  had  some  money  and  was  quite  willing  to  put  it 
up,  a  prime  requisite  for  the  mercenary  and  niggardly 
Ferdinand's  favor. 

The  other  claimant  for  the  honor  of  leading  the 
colony  happened  to  be  another  man  small  in  stature, 
but  also  of  great  bodily  strength,  although  he  scarcely 
equalled  his  rival  in  that  particular.  Nicuesa  had  made 
a  successful  voyage  to  the  Indies  with  Ovando,  and  had 
ample  command  of  means.  He  was  a  gentleman  by 
birth  and  station  —  Ojeda  was  that  also  —  and  was 
grand  carver-in-chief  to  the  King's  uncle!  Among 
his  other  qualities  for  successful  colonization  were  a 
beautiful  voice,  a  masterly  touch  on  the  guitar  and  an 
exquisite  skill  in  equitation.  He  had  even  taught  his 
horse  to  keep  time  to  music.  Whether  or  not  he  played 
that  music  himself  on  the  back  of  the  performing  steed 
is  not  recorded. 

Ferdinand  was  unable  to  decide  between  the  rival 
claimants.  Finally  he  determined  to  send  out  two 
expeditions.  The  Gulf  of  Uraba,  now  called  the  Gulf 
of  Darien,  was  to  be  the  dividing  line  between  the  two 
allotments  of  territory.  Ojeda  was  to  have  that  portion 
extending  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Cape  de  la  Vela,  which 
is  just  west  of  the  Gulf  of  Venezuela.  This  territory 
was  named  new  Andalusia.  Nicuesa  was  to  take  that 
between  the  Gulf  and  the  Cape  Gracias  a  Dios  off 


8    South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Honduras.  This  section  was  denominated  Golden  Cas- 
tile. Each  governor  was  to  fit  out  his  expedition  at 
his  own  charges.  Jamaica  was  given  to  both  in 
common  as  a  point  of  departure  and  a  base  of 
supplies. 

The  resources  of  Ojeda  were  small,  but  when  he 
arrived  at  Santo  Domingo  with  what  he  had  been  able 
to  secure  in  the  way  of  ships  and  men,  he  succeeded 
in  inducing  a  lawyer  named  Encisco,  commonly  called 
the  Bachelor*  Encisco,  to  embark  his  fortune  of  several 
thousand  gold  castellanos,  which  he  had  gained  in 
successful  pleadings  in  the  court  in  the  litigious  West 
Indies,  in  the  enterprise.  In  it  he  was  given  a  high 
position,  something  like  that  of  District  Judge. 

With  this  reenforcement,  Ojeda  and  La  Cosa  equipped 
two  small  ships  and  two  brigantines  containing  three 
hundred  men  and  twelve  horses. t 

They  were  greatly  chagrined  when  the  imposing 
armada  of  Nicuesa,  comprising  four  ships  of  different 
sizes,  but  much  larger  than  any  of  Ojeda's,  and  two 
brigantines  carrying  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
sailed  into  the  harbor  of  Santo  Domingo. 

The  two  governors  immediately  began  to  quarrel. 
Ojeda  finally  challenged  Nicuesa  to  a  duel  which 
should  determine  the  whole  affair.  Nicuesa,  who 
had  everything  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain  by  fighting, 
but  who  could  not  well  decline  the  challenge,  said  that 
he  was  willing  to  fight  him  if  Ojeda  would  put  up  what 
would   popularly   be   known   to-day  in   the   pugilistic 

♦From  the  Spanish  word  "bachiller,"  referring  to  an  inferior  degree  in  the  legal 
profession. 

tin  the  absence  of  particular  information,  I  suppose  the  ships  to  be  small  cara- 
vels of  between  fifty  and  sixty  tons,  and  the  brigantines  much  smaller,  open,  flat- 
bottomed  boats  with  but  one  mast  —  although  a  modern  brigantine  is  a  two-masted 
vessel. 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant        9 

circles  as  "a  side  bet"  of  five  thousand  castellanos  to 
make  the  fight  worth  while.* 

Poor  Ojeda  could  not  raise  another  maravedi,  and  as 
nobody  would  stake  him,  the  duel  was  off.  Diego 
Columbus,  governor  of  Hispaniola,  also  interfered 
in  the  game  to  a  certain  extent  by  declaring  that  the 
Island  of  Jamaica  was  his,  and  that  he  would  not  allow 
anybody  to  make  use  of  it.  He  sent  there  one  Juan 
de  Esquivel,  with  a  party  of  men  to  take  possession 
of  it.  Whereupon  Ojeda  stoutly  declared  that  when 
he  had  time  he  would  stop  at  that  island  and  if  Esquivel 
were  there,  he  would  cut  off  his  head. 

Finally  on  the  loth  of  November,  1509,  Ojeda  set 
sail,  leaving  Encisco  to  bring  after  him  another  ship 
with  needed  supplies.  With  Ojeda  was  Francisco 
Pizarro,  a  middle-aged  soldier  of  fortune,  who  had 
not  hitherto  distinguished  himself  in  any  way.  Her- 
nando Cortez  was  to  have  gone  along  also,  but 
fortunately  for  him,  an  inflammation  of  the  knee  kept 
him  at  home.  Ojeda  was  in  such  a  hurry  to  get  to 
El  Dorado  —  for  it  was  in  the  territory  to  the  south- 
ward of  his  allotment,  that  the  mysterious  city  was 
supposed  to  be  located  —  that  he  did  not  stop  at 
Jamaica  to  take  off  Esquivel's  head  —  a  good  thing 
for  him,  as  it  subsequently  turned  out. 

Nicuesa  would  have  followed  Ojeda  immediately, 
but  his  prodigal  generosity  had  exhausted  even  his 
large  resources,  and  he  was  detained  by  clamorous 
creditors,  the  law  of  the  island  being  that  no  one  could 
leave  it  in  debt.  The  gallant  little  meat-carver  labored 
with  success  to  settle  various  suits  pending,  and  thought 

♦The  castellano  was  valued  at  two  dollars  and  fifty-six  cents,  but  the  purchasing 
power  of  that  sum  was  much  greater  then  than  now.  The  maravedi  was  the 
equivalent  of  about  one-third  of  a  cent. 


io  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

he  had  everything  compounded;  but  just  as  he  was 
about  to  sail  he  was  arrested  for  another  debt  of  five 
hundred  ducats.  A  friend  at  last  advanced  the  money 
for  him  and  he  got  away  ten  days  after  Ojeda.  It 
would  have  been  a  good  thing  if  no  friend  had  ever 
interfered  and  he  had  been  detained  indefinitely  at 
Hispaniola. 

III.     The  Adventures  of  Ojeda 

Ojeda  made  a  landfall  at  what  is  known  now  as 
Cartagena.  It  was  not  a  particularly  good  place  for 
a  settlement.  There  was  no  reason  on  earth  why 
they  should  stay  there  at  all.  La  Cosa,  who  had  been 
along  the  coast  several  times  and  knew  it  thoroughly, 
warned  his  youthful  captain  —  to  whom  he  was  blindly 
and  devotedly  attached,  by  the  way  —  that  the  place 
was  extremely  dangerous;  that  the  inhabitants  were 
fierce,  brave  and  warlike,  and  that  they  had  a  weapon 
almost  as  effectual  as  the  Spanish  guns.  That  was 
the  poisoned  arrow.  Ojeda  thought  he  knew  every- 
thing and  he  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  remonstrances. 
He  hoped  he  might  chance  upon  an  opportunity  of 
surprising  an  Indian  village  and  capturing  a  lot  of 
inoffensive  inhabitants  for  slaves,  already  a  very  profit- 
able part  of  voyaging  to  the  Indies. 

He  landed  without  much  difficulty,  assembled  the 
natives  and  read  to  them  a  perfectly  absurd  mani- 
festo, which  had  been  prepared  in  Spain  for  use  in 
similar  contingencies,  summoning  them  to  change 
their  religion  and  to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of 
Spain.  Not  one  word  of  this  did  the  natives  under- 
stand and  to  it  they  responded  with  a  volley  of  poisoned 
arrows.     The  Spanish  considered  this  paper  a  most 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant       1 1 

valuable  document,  and  always  went  through  the 
formality  of  having  the  publication  of  it  attested  by 
a  notary  public. 

Ojeda  seized  some  seventy-five  captives,  male  and 
female,  as  slaves.  They  were  sent  on  board  the  ships. 
The  Indian  warriors,  infuriated  beyond  measure,  now 
attacked  in  earnest  the  shore  party,  comprising  seventy 
men,  among  whom  were  Ojeda  and  La  Cosa.  The 
latter,  unable  to  prevent  him,  had  considered  it  proper 
to  go  ashore  with  the  hot-headed  governor  to  restrain 
him  so  far  as  was  possible.  Ojeda  impetuously  attacked 
the  Indians  and,  with  part  of  his  men,  pursued  them 
several  miles  inland  to  their  town,  of  which  he  took 
possession. 

The  savages,  in  constantly  increasing  numbers, 
clustered  around  the  town  and  attacked  the  Spaniards 
with  terrible  persistence.  Ojeda  and  his  followers 
took  refuge  in  huts  and  enclosures  and  fought  valiantly. 
Finally  all  were  killed,  or  fatally  wounded  by  the 
envenomed  darts  except  Ojeda  himself  and  a  few  men, 
who  retreated  to  a  small  palisaded  enclosure.  Into 
this  improvised  fort  the  Indians  poured  a  rain  of 
poisoned  arrows  which  soon  struck  down  every  one 
but  the  governor  himself.  Being  small  of  stature  and 
extremely  agile,  and  being  provided  with  a  large  target 
or  shield,  he  was  able  successfully  to  fend  off  the 
deadly  arrows  from  his  person.  It  was  only  a  question 
of  time  before  the  Indians  would  get  him  and  he  would 
die  in  the  frightful  agony  which  his  men  experienced 
after  being  infected  with  the  poison  upon  the  arrow- 
points.  In  his  extremity,  he  was  rescued  by  La  Cosa 
who  had  kept  in  hand  a  moiety  of  the  shore  party. 

The  advent  of  La  Cosa  saved  Ojeda.  Infuriated 
at  the  slaughter  of  his  men,  Ojeda  rashly  and  intern- 


12  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

perately  threw  himself  upon  the  savages,  at  once 
disappearing  from  the  view  of  La  Cosa  and  his  men, 
who  were  soon  surrounded  and  engaged  in  a  desperate 
battle  on  their  own  account.  They,  too,  took  refuge 
in  the  building,  from  which  they  were  forced  to  tear 
away  the  thatched  roof  that  might  have  shielded  them 
from  the  poisoned  arrows,  in  fear  lest  the  Indians 
might  set  it  on  fire.  And  they  in  turn  were  also  reduced 
to  the  direst  of  straits.  One  after  another  was  killed, 
and  finally  La  Cosa  himself,  who  had  been  desperately 
wounded  before,  received  a  mortal  hurt;  while  but  one 
man  remained  on  his  feet. 

Possibly  thinking  that  they  had  killed  the  whole 
party,  and  withdrawing  to  turn  their  attention  to  Ojeda, 
furiously  ranging  the  forest  alone,  the  Indians  left 
the  two  surviving  Spaniards  unmolested,  whereupon 
the  dying  La  Cosa  bade  his  comrade  leave  him,  and 
if  possible  get  word  to  Ojeda  of  the  fate  which  had 
overtaken  him.  This  man  succeeded  in  getting  back 
to  the  shore  and  apprised  the  men  there  of  the 
frightful  disaster. 

The  ships  cruised  along  the  shore,  sending  parties 
into  the  bay  at  different  points  looking  for  Ojeda  and 
any  others  who  might  have  survived.  A  day  or  two 
after  the  battle  they  came  across  their  unfortunate 
commander.  He  was  lying  on  his  back  in  a  grove 
of  mangroves,  upheld  from  the  water  by  the  gnarled 
and  twisted  roots  of  one  of  the  huge  trees.  He  had 
his  naked  sword  in  his  hand  and  his  target  on  his  arm, 
but  he  was  completely  prostrated  and  speechless.  The 
men  took  him  to  a  fire,  revived  him  and  finally  brought 
him  back  to  the  ship. 

Marvelous  to  relate,  he  had  not  a  single  wound 
upon  him! 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant       13 

Great  was  the  grief  of  the  little  squadron  at  this 
dolorous  state  of  affairs.  In  the  middle  of  it,  the 
ships  of  Nicuesa  hove  in  sight.  Mindful  of  their 
previous  quarrels,  Ojeda  decided  to  stay  ashore  until 
he  found  out  what  were  Nicuesa*  s  intentions  toward 
him.  Cautiously  his  men  broke  the  news  to  Nicuesa. 
With  magnanimity  and  courtesy  delightful  to  con- 
template, he  at  once  declared  that  he  had  forgotten 
the  quarrel  and  offered  every  assistance  to  Ojeda  to 
enable  him  to  avenge  himself.  Ojeda  thereupon 
rejoined  the  squadron,  and  the  two  rivals  embraced 
with  many  protestations  of  friendship  amid  the  acclaim 
of  their  followers. 

The  next  night,  four  hundred  men  were  secretly 
assembled.  They  landed  and  marched  to  the  Indian 
town,  surrounded  it  and  put  it  to  the  flames.  The 
defenders  fought  with  their  usual  resolution,  and 
many  of  the  Spaniards  were  killed  by  the  poisonous 
arrows,  but  to  no  avail.  The  Indians  were  doomed, 
and  the  whole  village  perished  then  and  there. 

Nicuesa  had  landed  some  of  his  horses,  and  such  was 
the  terror  inspired  by  those  remarkable  and  unknown 
animals  that  several  of  the  women  who  had  escaped 
from  the  fire,  when  they  caught  sight  of  the  frightful 
monsters,  rushed  back  into  the  flames,  preferring 
this  horrible  death  rather  than  to  meet  the  horses. 
The  value  of  the  plunder  amounted  to  eighteen  thou- 
sand dollars  in  modern  money,  the  most  of  which 
Nicuesa  took. 

The  two  adventurers  separated,  Nicuesa  bidding 
Ojeda  farewell  and  striking  boldly  across  the  Carib- 
bean for  Veragua,  which  was  the  name  Columbus 
had  given  to  the  Isthmian  coast  below  Honduras; 
while  Ojeda  crept  along  the  shore  seeking  a  convenient 


14  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

spot  to  plant  his  colony.  Finally  he  established  him- 
self at  a  place  which  he  named  San  Sebastian.  One 
of  his  ships  was  wrecked  and  many  of  his  men  were 
lost.  Another  was  sent  back  to  Santo  Domingo  with 
what  little  treasure  they  had  gathered  and  with  an 
appeal  to  Encisco  to  hurry  up. 

They  made  a  rude  fort  on  the  shore,  from  which  to 
prosecute  their  search  for  gold  and  slaves.  The 
Indians,  who  also  belonged  to  the  poisoned-arrow  fra- 
ternity, kept  the  fort  in  constant  anxiety.  Many 
were  the  conflicts  between  the  Spaniards  and  the 
savages,  and  terrible  were  the  losses  inflicted  by  the 
invaders;  but  there  seemed  to  be  no  limit  to  the  number 
of  Indians,  while  every  Spaniard  killed  was  a  serious 
drain  upon  the  little  party.  Man  after  man  succumbed 
to  the  effects  of  the  dreadful  poison.  Ojeda,  who 
never  spared  himself  in  any  way,  never  received  a 
wound. 

From  their  constant  fighting,  the  savages  got  to 
recognize  him  as  the  leader  and  they  used  all  their 
skill  to  compass  destruction.  Finally,  they  succeeded 
in  decoying  him  into  an  ambush  where  four  of  their 
best  men  had  been  posted.  Recklessly  exposing  them- 
selves, the  Indians  at  close  range  opened  fire  upon 
their  prisoner  with  arrows.  Three  of  the  arrows  he 
caught  on  his  buckler,  but  the  fourth  pierced  his  thigh. 
It  is  surmised  that  Ojeda  attended  to  the  four  Indians 
before  taking  cognizance  of  his  wound.  The  arrow, 
of  course,  was  poisoned,  and  unless  something  could 
be  done,  it  meant  death. 

He  resorted  to  a  truly  heroic  expedient.  He  caused 
two  iron  plates  to  be  heated  white-hot  and  then  directed 
the  surgeon  to  apply  the  plates  to  the  wound,  one  at 
the  entrance  and  the  other  at  the  exit  of  the  arrow. 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant       15 

The  surgeon,  appalled  by  the  idea  of  such  torture, 
refused  to  do  so,  and  it  was  not  until  Ojeda  threatened 
to  hang  him  with  his  own  hands  that  he  consented. 
Ojeda  bore  the  frightful  agony  without  a  murmur  or 
a  quiver,  such  was  his  extraordinary  endurance.  It 
was  the  custom  in  that  day  to  bind  patients  who  were 
operated  upon  surgically,  that  their  involuntary  move- 
ments might  not  disconcert  the  doctors  and  cause 
them  to  wound  where  they  hoped  to  cure.  Ojeda 
refused  even  to  be  bound.  The  remedy  was  effica- 
cious, although  the  heat  of  the  iron,  in  the  language 
of  the  ancient  chronicler,  so  entered  his  system  that 
they  used  a  barrel  of  vinegar  to  cool  him  off. 

Ojeda  was  very  much  dejected  by  the  fact  that  he 
had  been  wounded.  It  seemed  to  him  that  the  Virgin, 
his  patron,  had  deserted  him.  The  little  band,  by 
this  time  reduced  to  less  than  one  hundred  people, 
was  in  desperate  straits.  Starvation  stared  it  in  the 
face  when  fortunately  assistance  came.  One  Ber- 
nardino deTalavera,  with  seventy  congenial  cut-throats, 
absconding  debtors  and  escaped  criminals,  from 
Hispaniola,  had  seized  a  Genoese  trading-ship  loaded 
with  provisions  and  had  luckily  reached  San  Sebastian 
in  her.  They  sold  these  provisions  to  Ojeda  and  his 
men  at  exorbitant  prices,  for  some  of  the  hard-earned 
treasure  which  they  had  amassed  with  their  great 
expenditure  of  life  and  health. 

There  was  no  place  else  for  Talavera  and  his  gang 
to  go,  so  they  stayed  at  San  Sebastian.  The  supply 
of  provisions  was  soon  exhausted,  and  finally  it  was 
evident  that,  as  Encisco  had  not  appeared  with  any 
reinforcements  or  supplies,  some  one  must  go  back  to 
Hispaniola  to  bring  rescue  to  the  party.  Ojeda  offered 
to  do  this  himself.     Giving  the  charge  of  affairs  at 


16  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

San  Sebastian  to  Francisco  Pizarro,  who  promised  to 
remain  there  for  fifty  days  for  the  expected  help, 
he  embarked  with  Talavera. 

Naturally  Ojeda  considered  himself  in  charge  of 
the  ship;  naturally  Talavera  did  not.  Ojeda,  endeav- 
oring to  direct  things,  was  seized  and  put  in  chains 
by  the  crew.  He  promptly  challenged  the  whole 
crew  to  a  duel,  offering  to  fight  them  two  at  a  time 
in  succession  until  he  had  gone  through  the  ship,  of 
which  he  expected  thereby  to  become  the  master; 
although  what  he  would  have  done  with  seventy  dead 
pirates  on  the  ship  is  hard  to  see.  The  men  refused 
this  wager  of  battle,  but  fortune  favored  this  doughty 
little  cavalier,  for  presently  a  great  storm  arose.  As 
neither  Talavera  nor  any  of  the  men  were  navigators 
or  seamen,  they  had  to  release  Ojeda.  He  took  charge. 
Once  he  was  in  charge,  they  never  succeeded  in  ousting 
him. 

In  spite  of  his  seamanship,  the  caravel  was  wrecked 
on  the  island  of  Cuba.  They  were  forced  to  make 
their  way  along  the  shore,  which  was  then  unsettled 
by  Spain.  Under  the  leadership  of  Ojeda  the  party 
struggled  eastward  under  conditions  of  extreme  hard- 
ship. When  they  were  most  desperate,  Ojeda,  who 
had  appealed  daily  to  his  little  picture  of  the  Virgin, 
which  he  always  carried  with  him,  and  had  not  ceased 
to  urge  the  others  to  do  likewise,  made  a  vow  to 
establish  a  shrine  and  leave  the  picture  at  the  first 
Indian  village  they  came  to  if  they  got  succor  there. 

Sure  enough,  they  did  reach  a  place  called  Cueya- 
bos,  where  they  were  hospitably  received  by  the  Indians, 
and  where  Ojeda,  fulfilling  his  vow,  erected  a  log  hut, 
or  shrine,  in  the  recess  of  which  he  left,  with  much 
regret,  the  picture  of  the  Virgin  which  had  accompanied 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant       17 

him  on  his  wanderings  and  adventures.  Means  were 
found  to  send  word  to  Jamaica,  still  under  the  gov- 
ernorship of  Esquivel,  whose  head  Ojeda  had  threatened 
to  cut  off  when  he  met  him.  Magnanimously  forgetting 
the  purpose  of  the  broken  adventurer,  Esquivel  des- 
patched a  ship  to  bring  him  to  Jamaica.  We  may  be 
perfectly  sure  that  Ojeda  said  nothing  about  the  decapi- 
tation when  the  generous  hearted  Esquivel  received  him 
with  open  arms.  Ojeda  with  Talavera  and  his  com- 
rades were  sent  back  to  Santo  Domingo.  There 
Talavera  and  the  principal  men  of  his  crew  were  tried 
for  piracy  and  executed. 

Ojeda  found  that  Encisco  had  gone.  He  was  penni- 
less, discredited  and  thoroughly  downcast  by  his  ill 
fortune.  No  one  would  advance  him  anything  to 
send  succor  to  San  Sebastian.  His  indomitable 
spirit  was  at  last  broken  by  his  misfortunes.  He 
lingered  for  a  short  time  in  constantly  increasing  ill 
health,  being  taken  care  of  by  the  good  Franciscans, 
until  he  died  in  the  monastery.  Some  authorities 
say  he  became  a  monk;  others  deny  it;  It  certainly 
is  quite  possible.  At  any  rate,  before  he  died  he  put 
on  the  habit  of  the  order,  and  after  his  death,  by  his 
own  direction,  his  body  was  buried  before  the  gate, 
so  that  those  who  passed  through  it  would  have  to  step 
over  his  remains.  Such  was  the  tardy  humility  with 
which  he  endeavoured  to  make  up  for  the  arrogance 
and  pride  of  his  exciting  life. 

IV.     Enter  One  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa 

Encisco,  coasting  along  the  shore  with  a  large  ship, 
carrying  reinforcements  and  loaded  with  provisions 
for  the  party,  easily  followed  the  course  of  Ojeda's 


( 


1 8  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

wanderings,  and  finally  ran  across  the  final  remnants 
of  his  expedition  in  the  harbor  of  Cartagena.  The 
remnant  was  crowded  into  a  single  small,  unseaworthy 
brigantine  under  the  command  of  Francisco  Pizarro. 

Pizarro  had  scrupulously  kept  faith  with  Ojeda. 
He  had  done  more.  He  had  waited  fifty  days,  and 
then,  finding  that  the  two  brigantines  left  to  him  were 
not  large  enough  to  contain  his  whole  party,  by  mutual 
agreement  of  the  survivors  clung  to  the  death-laden 
spot  until  a  sufficient  number  had  been  killed  or  had 
died  to  enable  them  to  get  away  in  the  two  ships.  They 
did  not  have  to  wait  long,  for  death  was  busy,  and  a 
few  weeks  after  the  expiration  of  the  appointed  time 
they  were  all  on  board. 

There  is  something  terrific  to  the  imagination  in 
the  thought  of  that  body  of  men  sitting  down  and  grimly 
waiting  until  enough  of  them  should  die  to  enable 
the  rest  to  get  away!  What  must  have  been  the  emo- 
tions that  filled  their  breasts  as  the  days  dragged  on  ? 
No  one  knew  whether  the  result  of  the  delay  would 
enable  him  to  leave,  or  cause  his  bones  to  rot  on  the 
shore.  Cruel,  fierce,  implacable  as  were  these  Span- 
iards, there  is  something  Homeric  about  them  in  such 
crises  as  these. 

That  was  not  the  end  of  their  misfortunes,  for  one 
of  the  two  brigantines  was  capsized.  The  old  chron- 
iclers say  that  the  boat  was  struck  by  a  great  fish. 
That  is  a  fish  story,  which,  like  most  fish  stories,  it 
is  difficult  to  credit.  At  any  rate,  sink  it  did,  with 
all  on  board,  and  Pizarro  and  about  thirty  men  were 
all  that  were  left  of  the  gallant  three  hundred  who 
had  followed  the  doughty  Ojeda  in  the  first  attempt 
to  colonize  South  America. 

Encisco  was  for  hanging  them  at  once,  believing  that 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant       19 

they  had  murdered  and  deserted  Ojeda,  but  they 
were  able  to  convince  him  at  last  of  the  strict  legality 
of  their  proceedings.  Taking  command  of  the  expe- 
dition himself,  as  being  next  in  rank  to  Ojeda,  the 
Bachelor  led  them  back  to  San  Sebastian.  Unfor- 
tunately, before  the  unloading  of  his  ship  could  be 
begun,  she  struck  a  rock  and  was  lost;  and  the  last 
state  of  the  men,  therefore,  was  as  bad  as  the  first. 

Among  the  men  who  had  come  with  Encisco  was  a 
certain  Vasco  Nunez,  commonly  called  Balboa.  He 
had  been  with  Bastidas  and  La  Cosa  on  their  voyage 
to  the  Isthmus  nine  years  before.  The  voyage  had 
been  a  profitable  one  and  Balboa  had  made  money 
out  of  it.  He  had  lost  all  his  money,  however,  and 
had  eked  out  a  scanty  living  on  a  farm  at  Hispaniola, 
which  he  had  been  unable  to  leave  because  he  was 
in  debt  to  everybody.  The  authorities  were  very 
strict  in  searching  every  vessel  that  cleared  from  Santo 
Domingo,  for  absconders.  The  search  was  usually 
conducted  after  the  vessel  had  got  to  sea,  too ! 

Balboa  caused  himself  to  be  conveyed  aboard  the 
ship  in  a  provision  cask.  No  one  suspected  anything, 
and  when  the  officers  of  the  boat  had  withdrawn  from 
the  ship  and  Hispaniola  was  well  down  astern,  he 
came  forth.  Encisco,  who  was  a  pettifogger  of  the 
most  pronounced  type,  would  have  dealt  harshly 
with  him,  but  there  was  nothing  to  do  after  all.  Balboa 
could  not  be  sent  back,  and  besides,  he  was  considered 
a  very  valuable  reenforcement  on  account  of  his  known 
experience  and  courage. 

It  was  he  who  now  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  wretched 
colonists  at  San  Sebastian  by  telling  them  that  across 
the  Gulf  of  Darien  there  was  an  Indian  tribe  with 
many  villages   and   much   gold.     Furthermore,   these 


20  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Indians,  unfortunately  for  them,  were  not  acquainted 
with  the  use  of  poisoned  arrows.  Balboa  urged 
them  to  go  there.  His  suggestion  was  received  with 
cheers.  The  brigantines,  and  such  other  vessels  as 
they  could  construct  quickly,  were  got  ready  and  the 
whole  party  took  advantage  of  the  favorable  season 
to  cross  the  Gulf  of  Darien  to  the  other  side,  to  the 
present  territory  of  Panama  which  has  been  so  promi- 
nent in  the  public  eye  of  late.  This  was  Nicuesa's 
domain,  but  nobody  considered  that  at  the  time. 

They  found  the  Indian  villages  which  Balboa  had 
mentioned,  fought  a  desperate  battle  with  Cacique 
Cemaco,  captured  the  place,  and  discovered  quantities 
of  gold  castellanos  (upward  of  twenty-five  thousand 
dollars).  They  built  a  fort,  and  laid  out  a  town  called 
Maria  de  la  Antigua  del  Darien — the  name  being  almost 
bigger  than  the  town!  Balboa  was  in  high  favor 
by  this  time,  and  when  Encisco  got  into  trouble  by 
decreeing  various  oppressive  regulations  and  vexatious 
restrictions,  attending  to  things  in  general  with  a  high 
hand,  they  calmly  deposed  him  on  the  ground  that 
he  had  no  authority  to  act,  since  they  were  on  the 
territory  of  Nicuesa.  To  this  logic,  which  was  irrefu- 
table, poor  Encisco  could  make  no  reply.  Pending 
the  arrival  of  Nicuesa  they  elected  Balboa  and  one 
Zamudio,  a  Biscayan,  to  take  charge  of  affairs. 

The  time  passed  in  hunting  and  gathering  treasure, 
not  unprofitably  and,  as  they  had  plenty  to  eat,  not 
unpleasantly. 

V.     The   Desperate   Straits   of  Nicuesa 

Now  let  us  return  to  Nicuesa.  Making  a  landfall, 
Nicuesa,  with  a  small  caravel,  attended  by  the  two 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant      21 

brigantines,  coasted  along  the  shore  seeking  a  favor- 
able point  for  settlement.  The  large  ships,  by  his 
orders,  kept  well  out  to  sea.  During  a  storm,  Nicuesa 
put  out  to  sea  himself,  imagining  that  the  brigantines 
under  the  charge  of  Lope  de  Olano,  second  in  com- 
mand would  follow  him.  When  morning  broke  and 
the  storm  disappeared  there  were  no  signs  of  th£ 
ships  or  brigantines. 

Nicuesa  ran  along  the  shore  to  search  for  them,  got 
himself  embayed  in  the  mouth  of  a  small  river,  swollen 
by  recent  rains,  and  upon  the  sudden  subsidence  of 
the  water  coincident  with  the  ebb  of  the  tide,  his  ship 
took  ground,  fell  over  on  her  bilge  and  was  completely 
wrecked.  The  men  on  board  barely  escaped  with 
their  lives  to  the  shore.  They  had  saved  nothing 
except  what  they  wore,  the  few  arms  they  carried  and 
one  small  boat. 

Putting  Diego  de  Ribero  and  three  sailors  in  the 
boat  and  directing  them  to  coast  along  the  shore, 
Nicuesa  with  the  rest  struggled  westward  in  search 
of  the  two  brigantines  and  the  other  three  ships.  They 
toiled  through  interminable  forests  and  morasses  for 
several  days,  living  on  what  they  could  pick  up  in  the 
way  of  roots  and  grasses,  without  discovering  any  signs 
of  the  missing  vessels.  Coming  to  an  arm  of  the  sea, 
supposed  to  be  Chiriqui  Lagoon  off  Costa  Rica,  in 
the  course  of  their  journeyings,  they  decided  to  cross 
it  in  a  small  boat  rather  than  make  the  long  detour 
necessary  to  get  to  what  they  believed  to  be  the  other 
side.  They  were  ferried  over  to  the  opposite  shore 
in  the  boat,  and  to  their  dismay  discovered  that  they 
were  upon  an  almost  desert  island. 

It  was  too  late  and  they  were  too  tired,  to  go  farther 
that  night,  so  they  resolved  to  pass  the  night  on  the 


22  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

island.  In  the  morning  they  were  appalled  to  find 
that  the  little  boat,  with  Ribero  and  the  three  sailors, 
was  gone.  They  were  marooned  on  a  desert  island 
with  practically  nothing  to  eat  and  nothing  but  brackish 
swamp  water  to  drink.  The  sailors  they  believed  to 
have  abandoned  them.  They  gave  way  to  transports 
of  despair.  Some  in  their  grief  threw  themselves 
down  and  died  forthwith.  Others  sought  to  prolong 
life  by  eating  herbs,  roots  and  the  like. 

They  were  reduced  to  the  condition  of  wild  animals, 
when  a  sail  whitened  the  horizon,  and  presently  the 
two  brigantines  dropped  anchor  near  the  island. 
Ribero  was  no  recreant.  He  had  been  convinced 
that  Nicuesa  was  going  farther  and  farther  from  the 
ships  with  every  step  that  he  took,  and,  unable  to  per- 
suade him  of  that  fact,  he  deliberately  took  matters 
into  his  own  hands  and  retraced  his  course.  The 
event  justified  his  decision,  for  he  soon  found  the 
brigantines  and  the  other  ships.  Olano  does  not 
seem  to  have  bestirred  himself  very  vigorously  to  seek 
for  Nicuesa,  perhaps  because  he  hoped  to  command 
himself;  but  when  Ribero  made  his  report  he  at  once 
made  for  the  island,  which  he  reached  just  in  time 
to  save  the  miserable  remnant  from  dying  of  starvation. 

As  soon  as  he  could  command  himself,  Nicuesa, 
whose  easy  temper  and  generous  disposition  had  left 
him  under  the  hardships  and  misfortunes  he  had 
sustained,  sentenced  Olano  to  death.  By  the  pleas 
of  his  comrades,  the  sentence  was  mitigated,  and  the 
wretched  man  was  bound  in  chains  and  forced  to  grind 
corn  for  the  rest  of  the  party  —  when  there  was  any 
to  grind. 

To  follow  Nicuesa's  career  further  would  be  simply 
to  chronicle  the  story  of  increasing  disaster.     He  lost 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant      23 

ship  after  ship  and  man  after  man.  Finally  reduced 
in  number  to  one  hundred  men,  one  of  the  sailors, 
which  had  been  with  Columbus  remembered  the  loca- 
tion of  Porto  Rico  as  being  a  haven  where  they  might 
establish  themselves  in  a  fertile  and  beautiful  country, 
well-watered  and  healthy.  Columbus  had  left  an  an- 
chor under  the  tree  to  mark  the  place,  and  when  they 
reached  it  they  found  that  the  anchor  had  remained 
undisturbed  all  the  years.  They  were  attacked  by 
the  Indians  there,  and  after  losing  twenty  killed,  were 
forced  to  put  to  sea  in  two  small  brigantines  and  a 
caravel,  which  they  had  made  from  the  wrecks  of 
their  ships.  Coasting  along  the  shore,  they  came  at 
last  to  an  open  roadstead  where  they  could  debark. 

"In  the  name  of  God,"  said  the  disheartened  Nicuesa, 
"let  us  stop  here." 

There  they  landed,  called  the  place  after  their 
leader's  exclamation,  Nombre  de  Dios.  The  caravel, 
with  a  crew  of  the  strongest,  was  despatched  for  succour, 
and  was  never  heard  of  again. 

One  day,  the  colonists  of  Antigua  were  surprised 
by  the  sound  of  a  cannon  shot.  They  fired  their  own 
weapons  in  reply,  and  soon  two  ships  carrying  rein- 
forcements for  Nicuesa  under  Rodrigo  de  Colmenares, 
dropped  anchor  in  front  of  the  town. 

By  this  time  the  colonists  had  divided  into  factions, 
some  favoring  the  existing  regime,  others  inclining 
toward  the  still  busy  Encisco,  others  desirous  of  putting 
themselves  under  the  command  of  Nicuesa,  whose 
generosity  and  sunny  disposition  were  still  affectionately 
remembered.  The  arrival  of  Colmenares  and  his 
party,  gave  the  Nicuesa  faction  a  decided  prepon- 
derance; and,  taking  things  in  their  own  hands,  they 
determined  to  despatch  one  of  the  ships,  with   two 


24  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

representatives  of  the  colony,  up  the  coast  in  search 
of  the  governor.  This  expedition  found  Nicuesa 
without  much  difficulty.  Again  the  rescuing  ship 
arrived  just  in  time.  In  a  few  days  more,  the  miser- 
able body  of  men,  reduced  now  to  less  than  sixty, 
would  have  perished  of  starvation. 

Nicuesa's  spirit  had  not  been  chastened  by  his 
unparalleled  misfortunes.  He  not  only  accepted  the 
proffered  command  of  the  colony  —  which  was  no 
more  than  his  right,  since  it  was  established  on  his 
own  territory  —  but  he  did  more.  When  he  heard 
that  the  colonists  had  amassed  a  great  amount  of 
gold  by  trading  and  thieving,  he  harshly  declared  that, 
as  they  had  no  legitimate  right  there,  he  would  take 
their  portion  for  himself;  that  he  would  stop  further 
enterprises  on  their  part  —  in  short,  he  boastfully 
declared  his  intention  of  carrying  things  with  a  high 
hand  in  a  way  well  calculated  to  infuriate  his  volun- 
tary subjects.  So  arrogant  was  his  bearing  and  so 
tactless  and  injudicious  his  talk,  that  the  envoys  from 
Antigua  fled  in  the  night  with  one  of  the  ships  and 
reported  the  situation  to  the  colony.  Olano,  still  in 
chains,  found  means  to  communicate  with  his  friends 
in  the  other  party.  Naturally  he  painted  the  probable 
conduct  of  the  governor  in  anything  but  flattering 
colors. 

All  this  was  most  impolitic  in  Nicuesa.  He  seemed 
to  have  forgotten  that  profound  political  principle 
which  suggests  that  a  firm  seat  in  the  saddle  should  be 
acquired  before  any  attempts  should  be  made  to  lead 
the  procession.  The  fable  of  "King  Stork  and  the 
Frogs"  was  applicable  to  the  situation  of  the  colonists. 

In  this  contingency  they  did  not  know  quite  what 
to  do.     It  was  Balboa  who  came  to  their  rescue  again. 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant       25 

He  suggested  that,  although  they  had  invited  him, 
they  need  not  permit  Nicuesa  to  land.  Accordingly, 
when  Nicuesa  hove  in  sight  in  the  other  ship,  full  of 
determination  to  carry  things  in  his  own  way,  they 
prevented  him  from  coming  ashore. 

Greatly  astonished,  he  modified  his  tone  somewhat, 
but  to  no  avail.  It  was  finally  decided  among  the 
colonists  to  allow  him  to  land  in  order  to  seize  his 
person.  Arrangements  were  made  accordingly,  and 
the  unsuspicious  Nicuesa  debarked  from  his  ship  the 
day  after  his  arrival.  He  was  immediately  surrounded 
by  a  crowd  of  excited  soldiers  menacing  and  threat- 
ening him.  It  was  impossible  for  him  to  make  head- 
way against  them. 

He  turned  and  fled.  Among  his  other  guberna- 
torial accomplishments  was  a  remarkable  fleetness  of 
foot.  The  poor  little  governor  scampered  over  the 
sands  at  a  great  pace.  He  distanced  his  fierce  pur- 
suers at  last  and  escaped  to  the  temporary  shelter 
of  the  woods. 

Balboa,  a  gentleman  by  birth  and  by  inclination  as 
well  —  who  had,  according  to  some  accounts,  endeav- 
ored to  compose  the  differences  between  Nicuesa 
and  the  colonists  —  was  greatly  touched  and  mortified 
at  seeing  so  brave  a  cavalier  reduced  to  such  an  undig- 
nified and  desperate  extremity.  He  secretly  sought 
Nicuesa  that  night  and  profferred  him  his  services. 
Then  he  strove  valiantly  to  bring  about  an  adjustment 
between  the  fugitive  and  the  brutal  soldiery,  but  in 
vain. 

Nicuesa,  abandoning  all  his  pretensions,  at  last 
begged  them  to  receive  him,  if  not  as  a  governor,  at 
least  as  a  companion-at-arms,  a  volunteer.  But  noth- 
ing, neither  the  influence  of  Balboa  nor  the  entreaties 


26  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  Nicuesa,  could  mitigate  the  anger  of  the  colonists. 
They  would  not  have  the  little  governor  with  them  on 
any  terms.  They  would  have  killed  him  then  and 
there,  but  Balboa,  by  resorting  to  harsh  measures, 
even  causing  one  man  to  be  flogged  for  his  insolence, 
at  last  changed  that  purpose  into  another  —  which, 
to  be  sure,  was  scarcely  less  hazardous  for  Nicuesa. 

He  was  to  be  given  a  ship  and  sent  away  forever 
from  the  Isthmus.  Seventeen  adherents  offered  man- 
fully to  share  his  fate.  Protesting  against  the  legality 
of  the  action,  appealing  to  them  to  give  him  a  chance 
for  humanity's  sake,  poor  Nicuesa  was  hurried  aboard 
a  small,  crazy  bark,  the  weakest  of  the  wretched  brig- 
antines  in  the  harbor.  This  was  a  boat  so  carelessly 
constructed  that  the  calking  of  the  seams  had  been 
done  with  a  blunt  iron.  With  little  or  no  provisions, 
Nicuesa  and  his  faithful  seventeen  were  forced  to  put 
to  sea  amid  the  jeers  and  mockery  of  the  men  on  shore. 
The  date  was  March  i,  151 1.  According  to  the 
chroniclers,  the  last  words  that  those  left  on  the  island 
heard  Nicuesa  say  were,  "Show  thy  face,  O  Lord, 
and  we  shall  be  saved."* 

A  pathetic  and  noble  departure! 

Into  the  misty  deep  then  vanished  poor  Nicuesa 
and  his  faithful  followers  on  that  bright  sunny  spring 
morning.  And  none  of  them  ever  came  back  to  tell 
the  tale  of  what  became  of  them.  Did  they  die  of 
starvation  in  their  crazy  brigantine,  drifting  on  and 
on  while  they  rotted  in  the  blazing  sun,  until  her  seams 
opened  and  she  sank  ?  Did  they  founder  in  one  of 
the  sudden  and  fierce  storms  which  sometimes  swept 

*  Evidently  he  was  quoting  the  exquisite  measures  of  the  Eightieth  Psalm,  one  of 
the  most  touching  appeals  of  David  the  Poet-King,  in  which  he  says  over  and  oyer 
again,  "Turn  us  again,  O  God,  and  cause  Thy  Face  to  shine,  and  we  shall  be  saved." 


Panama  and  the  Knights-Errant      27 

that  coast  ?  Did  the  deadly  teredo  bore  the  ship's 
timbers  full  of  holes,  until  she  went  down  with  all  on 
board  ?  Were  they  cast  on  shore  to  become  the  prey 
of  Indians  whose  enmity  they  had  provoked  by  their 
own  conduct  ?     No  one  ever  knew. 

It  was  reported  that  years  afterward  on  the  coast 
of  Veragua  some  wandering  adventurers  found  this 
legend,  almost  undecipherable,  cut  in  the  bark  of  a 
tree,  "A qui  anduvo  el  desdichado  Diego  de  Nicuesa" 
which  may  be  translated,  "Here  was  lost  the  unfor- 
tunate Diego  de  Nicuesa."  But  the  statement  is  not 
credited.  The  fate  of  the  gallant  little  gentleman  is 
one  of  the  mysteries  of  the  sea. 

Of  the  original  eleven  hundred  men  who  sailed  with 
the  two  governors  there  remained  perhaps  thirty  of 
Ojeda's  and  forty  of  Nicuesa's  at  Antigua  with  Encisco's 
command.  This  was  the  net  result  of  the  first  two 
years  of  effort  at  the  beginning  of  government  in 
South  America  on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  with  its 
ocean  on  the  other  side  still  undreamed  of.  What 
these  men  did  there,  and  how  Balboa  rose  to  further 
prominence,  his  great  exploits,  and  finally  how  unkind 
Fate  also  overtook  him,  will  form  the  subject  of  the 
next  paper. 


■■■ 
/ 
/ 


Part  I 

SOUTH  AMERICAN  FIGHTS 
AND  FIGHTERS 

II 
Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Forgotten  Romance 


Panama,  Balboa  and   a  Forgotten 
Romance 

I.     The  Coming  of  the  Devastator 

THIS  is  the  romantic  history  of  Vasco  Nunez 
de  Balboa,  the  most  knightly  and  gentle 
of  the  Spanish  discoverers,  and  one  who 
would  fain  have  been  true  to  the  humble  Indian 
girl  who  had  won  his  heart,  even  though  his  life 
and  liberty  were  at  stake.  It  is  almost  the  only 
love  story  in  early  Spanish-American  history/  and 
the  account  of  it,  veracious  though  it  is,  reads  like 
a  novel  or  a  play. 

After  Diego  de  Nicuesa  had  sailed  away  from  Antigua 
on  that  enforced  voyage  from  which  he  never  returned, 
Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  was  supreme  on  the  Isthmus. 
Encisco,  however,  remained  to  make  trouble.  In 
order  to  secure  internal  peace  before  prosecuting 
some  further  expeditions,  Balboa  determined  to  send 
him  back  to  Spain,  as  the  easiest  way  of  getting  rid 
of  his  importunities  and  complaints. 

A  more  truculent  commander  would  have  no  diffi- 
culty in  inventing  a  pretext  for  taking  off  his  head.  A 
more  prudent  captain  would  have  realized  that  Encisco 
with  his  trained  mouth  could  do  very  much  more  harm 
to  him  in  Spain  than  he  could  in  Darien.  Balboa 
thought  to  nullify  that  possibility,  however,  by  sending 
Valdivia,  with  a  present,  to  Hispaniola,  and  Zamudio 

3* 


32  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

with  the  Bachelor  to  Spain  to  lay  the  state  of  affairs 
before  the  King.  Encisco  was  a  much  better  advocate 
than  Balboa's  friend  Zamudio,  and  the  King  of  Spain 
credited  the  one  and  disbelieved  the  other.  He 
determined  to  appoint  a  new  governor  for  the  Isthmus, 
and  decided  that  Balboa  should  be  proceeded  against 
rigorously  for  nearly  all  the  crimes  in  the  decalogue, 
the  most  serious  accusation  being  that  to  him  was  due 
the  death  of  poor  Nicuesa.  For  by  this  time  everybody 
was  sure  that  the  poor  little  meat-carver  was  no  more. 

An  enterprise  against  the  French  which  had  been 
declared  off  filled  Spain  with  needy  cavaliers  who  had 
started  out  for  an  adventure  and  were  greatly  desirous 
of  having  one.  Encisco  and  Zamudio  had  both 
enflamed  the  minds  of  the  Spanish  people  with  fabulous 
stories  of  the  riches  of  Darien.  It  was  curiously 
believed  that  gold  was  so  plentiful  that  it  could  be 
fished  up  in  nets  from  the  rivers.  Such  a  piscatorial 
prospect  was  enough  to  unlock  the  coffers  of  a  prince 
as  selfish  as  Ferdinand.  He  was  willing  to  risk 
fifty  thousand  ducats  in  the  adventure,  which  was 
to  be  conducted  on  a  grand  scale.  No  such  expedition 
to  America  had  ever  been  prepared  before  as  that 
destined  for  Darien. 

Among  the  many  claimants  for  its  command,  he 
picked  out  an  old  cavalier  named  Pedro  Arias  de 
Avila,  called  by  the  Spaniards  Pedrarias.* 

This  Pedrarias  was  seventy-two  years  old.  He  was 
of  good  birth  and  rich,  and  was  the  father  of  a  large 
and  interesting  family,  which  he  prudently  left  behind 
him  in  Spain.     His  wife,  however,  insisted  on  going 

*  In  the  English  chronicles  he  is  often  spoken  of  as  Davila,  which  is  near  enough  to 
Diabolo  to  make  one  wisb  that  the  latter  sobriquet  had  been  hit  own.  It  would  haye 
been  much  more  apposite. 


Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Romance      33 

with  him  to  the  New  World.     Whether  or  not  this 

was   a   proof  of  wifely  devotion  —  and   if  it  was,   it 

is  the  only  thing  in  history  to  his  credit  —  or  of  an 

unwillingness    to    trust    Pedrarias    out    of   her    sight, 

which   is   more   likely,   is   not   known.     At   any   rate,      w*~°^ 

she  went  along. 

Pedrarias,  up  to  the  time  of  his  departure  from 
Spain,  had  enjoyed  two  nick-names,  El  Galan  and 
El  Justador.  He  had  been  a  bold  and  dashing  cavalier 
in  his  youth,  a  famous  tilter  in  tournaments  in  his 
middle  age,  and  a  hard-fighting  soldier  all  his  life. 
His  patron  wa^Bishop  Tonseca.  Whatever  qualities 
he  might  possess  for  the  important  work  about  to 
be  devolved  upon  him  would  be  developed  later. 

His  expedition  included  from  fifteen  hundred  to 
two  thousand  souls,  and  there  were  at  least  as  many 
more  who  wanted  to  go  and  could  not  for  lack  of 
accommodations.  The  number  of  ships  varies  in 
different  accounts  from  nineteen  to  twenty-five.  The 
appointments  both  of  the  general  expedition  and  the 
cavaliers  themselves  were  magnificent  in  the  extreme. 
Many  afterward/ distinguished  in  America  went  in 
"Pedrarias's  command,  chief  among  them  being  De 
Soto.  Among  others  were  Quevedo,  the  newly 
appointed  Bishop  of  Darien,  and  Espinosa,  the  judge. 

The  first  fleet  set  sail  on  the  nth  of  April,  1514, 
and  arrived  at  Antigua  without  mishap  on  the  29th 
of  June  in  the  same  year.  The  colony  at  that  place, 
which  had  been  regularly  laid  out  as  a  town  with 
fortifications  and  with  some  degree  at  least  of  European 
comfort,  numbered  some  three  hundred  hard-bitten 
soldiers.  The  principle  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest 
had  resulted  in  the  selection  of  the  best  men  from  all 
the  previous  expeditions.     They  would  have  been  a 


34  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

dangerous  body  to  antagonize.  Pedrarias  was  in 
some  doubt  as  to  how  Balboa  would  receive  him. 
He  dissembled  his  intentions  toward  him,  therefore, 
and  sent  an  officer  ashore  to  announce  the  meaning 
of  the  flotilla  which  whitened  the  waters  of  the  bay. 

The  officer  found  Balboa,  dressed  in  a  suit  of  pajamas 
engaged  in  superintending  the  roofing  of  a  house. 
The  officer,  brilliant  in  silk  and  satin  and  polished 
armour,  was  astonished  at  the  simplicity  of  Vasco 
Nunez's  appearance.  He  courteously  delivered  his 
message,  however,  to  the  effect  that  yonder  was  the 
fleet  of  Don  Pedro  Arias  de  Avila,  the  new  Governor 
of  Darien. 

Balboa  calmly  bade  the  messenger  tell  Pedrarias 
that  he  could  come  ashore  in  safety  and  that  he  was 
very  welcome.  Balboa  was  something  of  a  dissembler 
himself  on  occasion,  as  you  will  see.  Pedrarias  there- 
upon debarked  in  great  state  with  his  men,  and,  as 
soon  as  he  firmly  got  himself  established  on  shore, 
arrested  Balboa  and  presented  him  for  trial  before 
Espinosa  for  the  death  of  Nicuesa. 

II.  The  Greatest  Exploit  since  Columbus's  Voyage 

During  all  this  long  interval,  Balboa  had  not  been 
idle.  A  singular  change  had  taken  place  in  his  char- 
acter. He  had  entered  upon  the  adventure  in  his 
famous  barrel  on  Encisco's  ship  as  a  reckless,  improvi- 
dent, roisterous,  careless,  hare-brained  scapegrace. 
Responsibility  and  opportunity  had  sobered  and 
elevated  him.  While  he  had  lost  none  of  his  dash 
and  daring  and  brilliancy,  yet  he  had  become  a  wise, 
a  prudent  and  a  most  successful  captain.  Judged  by 
the  high  standard  of  the  modern  times,  Balboa  was 


"  Balboa  .  .  .  Engaged  in  Superintending  the  Roofing  of  a  House  " 


The    Expedition    Had   to  Fight  Its  Way  Through  Tribes  of 
Warlike  and  Ferocious  Mountaineers  " 


Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Romance      35 

cruel  and  ruthless  enough  to  merit  our  severe  con-  ") 
demnation.  Judged  by  his  environments  and  con-  / 
trasted  with  any  other  of  the  Spanish  conquistadores  \ 
he  was  an  angel  of  light. 

He  seems  to  have  remained  always  a  generous, 
affectionate,  open-hearted  soldier.  He  had  conducted 
a  number  of  expeditions  after  the  departure  of  Nicuesa 
to  different  parts  of  the  Isthmus,  and  he  amassed  much 
treasure  thereby,  but  he  always  so  managed  affairs 
that  he  left  the  Indian  chiefs  in  possession  of  their 
territory  and  firmly  attached  to  him  personally.  There 
was  no  indiscriminate  murder,  outrage  or  plunder 
in  his  train,  and  the  Isthmus  was  fairly  peaceable. 
Balboa  had  tamed  the  tempers  of  the  fierce  soldiery 
under  him  to  a  remarkable  degree,  and  they  had 
actually  descended  to  cultivating  the  soil  between 
periods  of  gold-hunting  and  pearl-fishing.  The  men 
under  him  were  devotedly  attached  to  him  as  a  rule, 
although  here  and  there  a  malcontent,  unruly  soldier, 
restless  under  the  iron  discipline,  hated  his  captain. 

Fortunately  he  had  been  warned  by  a  letter  from 
Zamudio,  who  had  found  means  to  send  it  via  Hispa- 
niola,  of  the  threatening  purpose  of  Pedrarias  and  the 
great  expedition.  Balboa  stood  well  with  the  author- 
ities in  Hispaniola.  Diego  Columbus  had  given  him  a 
commission  as  Vice-Governor  of  Darien,  so  tbat  as 
Darien  was  clearly  within  Diego  Columbus's  jurisdic- 
tion, Balboa  was  strictly  under  authority.  The  news 
in  Zamudio's  letter  was  very  disconcerting.  Like 
every  Spaniard,  Vasco  Nunez  knew  that  he  could  expect 
little  mercy  and  scant  justice  from  a  trial  conducted 
under  such  auspices  as  Pedrarias's.  He  determined, 
therefore,  to  secure  himself  in  his  position  by  some 
splendid  achievement,  which  would  so  work  upon  the 


36  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

feelings  of  the   King  that  he  would   be  unable,   for 
very  gratitude,  to  press  hard  upon  him. 

The  exploit  that  he  meditated  and  proposed  to 
accomplish  was  the  discovery  of  the  ocean  upon  the 
other  side  of  the  Isthmus.  When  Nicuesa  came  down 
from  Nombre  de  Dios,  he  left  there  a  little  handful 
of  men.  Balboa  sent  an  expedition  to  rescue  them 
and  brought  them  down  to  Antigua.  Either  on  that 
expedition  or  on  another  shortly  afterward,  two  white 
men  painted  as  Indians  discovered  themselves  to 
Balboa  in  the  forest.  They  proved  to  be  Spaniards 
who  had  fled  from  Nicuesa  to  escape  punishment 
for  some  fault  they  had  committed  and  had  sought 
safety  in  the  territory  of  an  Indian  chief  named  Careta, 
the  Cacique  of  Cueva.  They  had  been  hospitably 
received  and  adopted  into  the  tribe.  In  requital  for 
their  entertainment,  they  offered  to  betray  the  Indians 
if  Vasco  Nunez,  the  new  governor,  would  condone 
their  past  offenses.  They  filled  the  minds  of  the 
Spaniards,  alike  covetous  and  hungry,  with  stones  of 
great  treasures  and  what  was  equally  valuable,  abundant 
provisions,  in  Coreta's  village. 

Balboa  immediately  consented .     The  act  of  treachery 

^was  consummated  and  the  chief  captured.     All  that, 

„;of  course,  was  very  bad,  but  the  difference  between 

Balboa  and  the  men  of  his  time  is  seen  in  his    after 

\conduct.     Instead  of  putting  the  unfortunate  chieftain 

to    death   and  taking  his  people  for    slaves,    Balboa 

released  him.     The  reason  he  released  him  was  because 

of  a  woman  —  a  woman  who  enters  vitally  into  the 

subsequent  history  of  Vasco  Nunez,  and  indeed  of  the 

whole    of  South    America.     This    was   the    beautiful 

daughter    of   the    chief.     Anxious    to    propitiate    his 

captor,  Careta  offered  Balboa  this  flower  of  the  family 


Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Romance      37 

to  wife.  Balboa  saw  her,  loved  her  and  took  her  to 
himself.  They  were  married  in  accordance  with  the 
Indian  custom;  which,  of  course,  was  not  considered 
in  the  least  degree  binding  by  the  Spaniards  of  that 
time.  But  it  is  to  Balboa's  credit  that  he  remained 
faithful  to  this  Indian  girl.  Indeed,  if  he  had  not 
been  so  much  attached  to  her  it  is  probable  that  he 
might  have  lived  to  do  even  greater  things  than  he  did. 

In  his  excursions  throughout  the  Isthmus,  Balboa  had 
met  a  chief  called  Comagre.  As  everywhere,  the  first 
desire  of  the  Spanish  was  gold.  The  metal  had  no 
commercial  value  to  the  Indians.  They  used  it  simply 
to  make  ornaments,  and  when  it  was  not  taken  from 
them  by  force,  they  were  cheerfully  willing  to  exchange 
it  for  beads,  trinkets,  hawks'  bells,  and  any  other  petty 
trifles.  Comagre  was  the  father  of  a  numerous  family 
of  stalwart  sons.  The  oldest,  observing  the  Spaniards 
brawling  and  fighting  —  "brabbling,"  Peter  Martyr 
calls  it  —  about  the  division  of  gold,  with  an  astonishing 
degree  of  intrepidity  knocked  over  the  scales  at  last 
and  dashed  the  stuff  on  the  ground  in  contempt.  He 
made  amends  for  his  action  by  telling  them  of  a  country 
where  gold,  like  FalstafFs  reasons,  was  as  plenty  as 
blackberries.  Incidentally  he  gave  them  the  news  that 
Darien  was  an  isthmus,  and  that  the  other  side  was 
swept  by  a  vaster  sea  than  that  which  washed  its  eastern 
shore. 

These  tidings  inspired  Balboa  and  his  men.  They 
talked  long  and  earnestly  with  the  Indians  and  fully 
satisfied  themselves  of  the  existence  of  a  great  sea  and 
of  a  far-off  country  abounding  in  treasure  on  the  other 
side.  Could  it  be  that  mysterious  Cipango  of  Marco 
Polo,  search  for  which  had  been  the  object  of  Colum- 
bus's voyage  ?     The  way  there  was  discussed  and  the 


38  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

difficulties  of  the  journey  estimated,  and  it  was  finally 
decided  that  at  least  one  thousand  Spaniards  would  be 
required  safely  to  cross  the  Isthmus. 

Balboa  had  sent  an  account  of  this  conversation  to 
Spain,  asking  for  the  one  thousand  men.  The  account 
reached  there  long  before  Pedrarias  sailed,  and  to  it, 
in  fact,  was  largely  due  the  extensive  expedition.  Now 
when  Balboa  learned  from  Zamudio  of  what  was 
intended  toward  him  in  Spain,  he  determined  to  under- 
take the  discovery  himself.  He  set  forth  from  Antigua 
the  1st  of  September,  15 13,  with  a  hundred  and  ninety 
chosen  men,  accompanied  by  a  pack  of  bloodhounds, 
very  useful  in  fighting  savages,  and  a  train  of  Indian 
slaves.  Francisco  Pizarro  was  his  second  in  command. 
All  this  in  lieu  of  the  one  thousand  Spaniards  for  which 
he  had  asked,  which  was  not  thought  to  be  too  great 
a  number. 

The  difficulties  to  be  overcome  were  almost  incredible 
The  expedition  had  to  fight  its  way  through  tribes 
of  warlike  and  ferocious  mountaineers.  If  it  was  not 
to  be  dogged  by  a  trail  of  pestilent  hatreds,  the  antago- 
nisms evoked  by  its  advance  must  be  composed  in  every 
Indian  village  or  tribe  before  it  progressed  farther. 
Aside  from  these  things,  the  topographical  difficulties 
were  immense.  The  Spaniards  were  armour-clad, 
as  usual,  and  heavily  burdened.  Their  way  led  through 
thick  and  overgrown  and  pathless  jungles  or  across  lofty 
and  broken  mountain-ranges,  which  could  be  sur- 
mounted only  after  the  most  exhausting  labor.  The 
distance  as  the  crow  flies,  was  short,  less  than  fifty  miles, 
but  nearly  a  month  elapsed  before  they  approached  the 
end  of  their  journey. 

Balboa's  enthusiasm  and  courage  ha^  surmounted 
every    obstacle.     He    made    friends    with    the    chiefs 


Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Romance      39 

through  whose  territories  he  passed,  if  they  were 
willing  to  be  friends.  If  they  chose  to  be  enemies,  he 
fought  them,  he  conquered  them  and  then  made  friends 
with  them  then.  Such  a  singular  mixture  of  courage, 
adroitness  and  statesmanship  was  he  that  everywhere 
he  prevailed  by  one  method  or  another.  Finally,  in 
the  territory  of  a  chief  named  Quarequa,  he  reached 
the  foot  of  the  mountain  range  from  the  summit  of 
which  his  guides  advised  him  that  he  could  see  the 
object  of  his  expedition. 

There  were  but  sixty-seven  men  capable  of  ascend- 
ing that  mountain.  The  toil  and  hardship  of  the 
journey  had  incapacitated  the  others.  Next  to  Balboa, 
among  the  sixty-seven,  was  Francisco  Pizarro.  Early 
on  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  September,  1513,  the 
little  company  began  the  ascent  of  the  Sierra.  It 
was  still  morning  when  they  surmounted  it  and  reached 
the  top.  Before  them  rose  a  little  cone,  or  crest,  which 
hid  the  view  toward  the  south.  "There,"  said  the 
guides,  "from  the  top  of  yon  rock,  you  can  see  the 
ocean."  Bidding  his  men  halt  where  they  were,  Vasco 
Nunez  went  forward  alone  and  surmounted  the  little 
elevation. 

A  magnificent  prospect  was  embraced  in  his  view. 
The  tree-clad  mountains  sloped  gently  away  from  his 
feet,  and  on  the  far  horizon  glittered  a  line  of  silver  which 
attested  the  accuracy  of  the  claim  of  the  Indians  as  to 
the  existence  of  a  great  sea  on  the  other  side  of  what  he 
knew  now  to  be  an  isthmus.  Balboa  named  the  body  of 
water  that  he  could  see  far  away,  flashing  in  the  sun- 
light of  that  bright  morning,  "the  Sea  of  the  South," 
or  "the  South  Sea."* 

Drawing  his  sword,  he  took  possession  of  it  in  the 

*  It  was  Magellan  who  gave  it  the  inappropriate  name  of  "Pacific." 


40  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

name  of  Castile  and  Leon.  Then  he  summoned  his 
soldiers.  Pizarro  in  the  lead  they  were  soon  assembled 
at  his  side.  In  silent  awe  they  gazed,  as  if  they  were 
looking  upon  a  vision.  Finally  some  one  broke  into 
the  words  of  a  chant,  and  on  that  peak  in  Darien  those 
men  sang  the  "Te  Deum  Laudamus." 

Somehow  the  dramatic  quality  of  that  supreme 
moment  in  the  life  of  Balboa  has  impressed  itself  upon 
the  minds  of  the  successive  generations  that  have  read 
of  it  since  that  day.  It  stands  as  one  of  the  great 
episodes  of  history.  That  little  band  of  ragged, 
weather-beaten,  hard-bitten  soldiers,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  most  lovable  and  gallant  of  the  Spaniards 
of  his  time,  on  that  lonely  mountain  peak  rising  above 
the  almost  limitless  sea  of  trackless  verdure,  gazing 
upon  the  great  ocean  whose  waters  extended  before 
them  for  thousands  and  thousands  of  miles,  attracts 
the  attention  and  fires  the  imagination. 
Syour  truly  great  man  may  disguise  his  imaginative 
qualities  from  the  unthinking  public  eye,  but  his  great- 
ness is  in  proportion  to  his  imagination^  Balboa, 
with  the  centuries  behind  him,  shading  his  eye  and 
staring  at  the  water: 

Dipt  into  the  future  far  as  human  eye  could  see, 

Saw  the  visions  of  the  world,  and  all  the  wonder  that  would  be. 

He  saw  Peru  with  its  riches;  he  saw  fabled  Cathay; 
he  saw  the  uttermost  isles  of  the  distant  sea.  His 
imagination  took  the  wings  of  the  morning  and  soared 
over  worlds  and  countries  that  no  one  but  he  had 
ever  dreamed  of,  all  to  be  the  fiefs  of  the  King  of 
Castile.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  it  must  have 
been  to  Balboa,  of  all  men,  that  some  adequate  idea 
of  the  real  size  of  the  earth  first  came. 


"He  Took  Possession  of  the  Sea  in  the  Name  of  Castile  and 

Leon  " 


He  Threw  the  Sacred  Volume  to  the  Ground  in  a  Violent  Rage 


Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Romance      41 

Well,  they  gazed  their  fill;  then,  with  much  toil, 
they  cut  down  trees,  dragged  them  to  the  top  of  the 
mountain  and  erected  a  huge  cross  which  they  stayed 
by  piles  of  stones.  Then  they  went  down  the  moun- 
tain-side and  sought  the  beach.  It  was  no  easy  task 
to  find  it,  either.  It  was  not  until  some  days  had 
passed  that  one  of  the  several  parties  broke  through 
the  jungle  and  stood  upon  the  shore.  When  they 
were  all  assembled,  the  tide  was  at  low  ebb.  A  long 
space  of  muddy  beach  lay  between  them  and  the 
water.  They  sat  down  under  the  trees  and  waited 
until  the  tide  was  at  flood,  and  then,  on  the  29th  of 
September,  with  a  banner  displaying  the  Virgin  and 
Child  above  the  arms  of  Spain  in  one  hand  and  with 
drawn  sword  in  the  other,  Balboa  marched  solemnly 
into  the  rolling  surf  that  broke  about  his  waist  and 
took  formal  possession  of  the  ocean,  and  all  the  shores, 
wheresoever  they  might  be,  which  were  washed  by  its 
waters,  for  Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  and  his  daughter 
Joanna  of  Castile,  and  their  successors  in  Spain. 
Truly  a  prodigious  claim,  but  one  which  for  a  time 
Spain  came  perilously  near  establishing  and  main- 
taining.* 

Before  they  left  the  shore  they  found  some  canoes 
and  voyaged  over  to  a  little  island  in  the  bay,  which 
they  called  San  Miguel,  since  it  was  that  saint's  day, 
and  where  they  were  nearly  all  swept  away  by  the 
rising  tide.  They  went  back  to  Antigua  by  another 
route,  somewhat  less  difficult,  fighting  and  making 
peace  as  before,  and  amassing  treasure  the  while. 
Great  was  the  joy  of  the  colonists  who  had  been  left 
behind,   when    Balboa   and   his   men   rejoined   them. 

*  To-day  not  one  foot  of  territory  bordering  on  that  sea  belongs  to  Spain.     The 
American  flag  flies  over  the  Philippines  —  shall  I  say  forever  ? 

9 


42  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Those  who  had  stayed  behind  shared  equally  with  those 
who  had  gone.  The  King's  royal  fifth  was  scrupu- 
lously set  aside  and  Balboa  at  once  dispatched  a  ship, 
under  a  trusted  adherent  named  Arbolancha,  to 
acquaint  the  King  with  his  marvelous  discovery,  and 
to  bring  back  reinforcements  and  permission  to  venture 
upon  the  great  sea  in  quest  of  the  fabled  golden  land 
toward  the  south. 

III.     "Furor  Domini " 

Unfortunately  for  Vasco  Nunez,  Arbolancha  arrived 
just  two  months  after  Pedrarias  had  sailed.  The 
discovery  of  the  Pacific  was  the  greatest  single  exploit 
since  the  voyage  of  Columbus.  It  was  impossible 
for  the  King  to  proceed  further  against  Balboa  under 
such  circumstances.  Arbolancha  was  graciously 
received,  therefore,  and  after  his  story  had  been  heard 
a  ship  was  sent  back  to  Darien  instructing  Pedrarias 
to  let  Balboa  alone,  appointing  him  an  adelantado,  or 
governor  of  the  islands  he  had  discovered  in  the  South 
Sea,  and  all  such  countries  as  he  might  discover  beyond. 

All  this,  however  took  time,  and  Balboa  was  hav- 
ing a  hard  time  with  Pedrarias.  In  spite  of  all  the 
skill  of  the  envenomed  Encisco,  who  had  been  appointed 
the  public  prosecutor  in  Pedrarias's  administration, 
Balboa  was  at  last  acquitted  of  having  been  concerned 
in  the  death  of  Nicuesa.  Pedrarias,  furious  at  the 
verdict,  made  living  a  burden  to  poor  Vasco  Nunez  by 
civil  suits  which  ate  up  all  his  property. 

It  had  not  fared  well  with  the  expedition  of  Pedra- 
rias, either,  for  in  six  weeks  after  they  landed,  over 
seven  hundred  of  his  unacclimated  men  were  dead 
of  fever  and  other  diseases,  incident  to  their  lack  of 


Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Romance      43 

precaution  and  the  unhealthy  climate  of  the  Isthmus. 
They  had  been  buried  in  their  brocades,  as  has  been 
pithily  remarked,  and  forgotten.  The  condition  of 
the  survivors  was  also  precarious.  They  were  starv- 
ing in  their  silks  and  satins. 

Pedrarias,  however,  did  not  lack  courage.  He  sent 
the  survivors  hunting  for  treasures.  Under  different 
captains  he  dispatched  them  far  and  wide  through  the 
Isthmus  to  gather  gold,  pearls,  and  food.  They  turned 
its  pleasant  valleys  and  its  noble  hills  into  earthly  hells. 
Murder,  outrage  and  rapine  flourished  unchecked, 
even  encouraged  and  rewarded.  All  the  good  work 
of  Balboa  in  pacifying  the  natives  and  laying  the 
foundation  for  a  wise  and  kindly  rule  was  undone  in  a 
few  months. 

Such  cruelties  had  never  before  been  practised  in 
any  part  of  the  New  World  settled  by  the  Spaniards. 
I  do  not  suppose  the  men  under  Pedrarias  were  any 
worse  than  others.  Indeed,  they  were  better  than  some 
of  them,  but  they  took  their  cue  from  their  terrible 
commander.  Fiske  calls  him  "a  two-legged  tiger." 
That  he  was  an  old  man  seems  to  add  to  the  horror 
which  the  story  of  his  course  inspires.  The  reckless- 
ness of  an  unthinking  young  man  may  be  better  under- 
stood than  the  cold,  calculating  fury  and  ferocity  of 
threescore  and  ten.  To  his  previous  appellations,  a 
third  was  added.  Men  called  him,  "Furor  Domini" 
—  "The  Scourge  of  God."  Not  Attila  himself,  to 
whom  the  title  was  originally  applied,  was  more  ruth- 
less and  more  terrible. 

Balboa  remonstrated,  but  to  no  avail.  He  wrote 
letter  after  letter  to  the  king,  depicting  the  results  of 
Pedrarias'  actions,  and  some  tidings  of  his  succes- 
sive communications,  came  trickling  back  to  the  gov- 


44  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

ernor,  who  had  been  especially  cautioned  by  the  King 
to  deal  mercifully  with  the  inhabitants  and  set  them 
an  example  of  Christian  kindness  and  gentleness  that 
they  might  be  won  to  the  religion  of  Jesus  thereby! 
Pedrarias  was  furious  against  Balboa,  and  would 
have  withheld  the  King's  dispatches  acknowledging 
the  discovery  of  the  South  Sea  by  appointing  him 
adelantado;  but  the  Bishop  of  Darien,  whose  friend- 
ship Balboa  had  gained,  protested  and  the  dispatches 
were  finally  delivered.  The  good  Bishop  did  more. 
He  brought  about  a  composition  of  the  bitter  quarrel 
between  Balboa  and  Pedrarias.  A  marriage  was 
arranged  between  the  eldest  daughter  of  Pedrarias  and 
Balboa.  Balboa  still  loved  his  Indian  wife;  it  is  evi- 
dent that  he  never  intended  to  marry  the  daughter 
of  Pedrarias,  and  that  he  entered  upon  the  engage- 
ment simply  to  quiet  the  old  man  and  secure  his  coun- 
tenance and  assistance  for  the  undertaking  he  pro- 
jected to  the  mysterious  golden  land  toward  the  south. 
There  was  a  public  betrothal  which  effected  the  recon- 
ciliation. And  now  Pedrarias  could  not  do  enough 
for  Balboa,  whom  he  called  his  "dear  son." 

IV.     The  End  of  Balboa 

Balboa,  therefore,  proposed  to  Pedrarias  that  he 
should  immediately  set  forth  upon  the  South  Sea  voy- 
age. Inasmuch  as  Pedrarias  was  to  be  supreme 
in  the  New  World  and  as  Balboa  was  only  a  provincial 
governor  under  him,  the  old  reprobate  at  last  con- 
sented. 

Balboa  decided  that  four  ships,  brigantines,  would 
be  needed  for  his  expedition.  The  only  timber  fit 
for   shipping,   of  which   the   Spaniards   were   aware, 


Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Romance      45 

grew  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Isthmus.  It  would 
be  necessary,  therefore,  to  cut  and  work  up  the  frames 
and  timbers  of  the  ships  on  the  eastern  side,  then 
carry  the  material  across  the  Isthmus,  and  there  put 
it  together.  Vasco  Nunez  reconnoitered  the  ground 
and  decided  to  start  his  ship-building  operations  at  a 
new  settlement  called  Acla.  The  timber  when  cut 
and  worked  had  to  be  carried  sixteen  miles  away  to 
the  top  of  the  mountain,  then  down  the  other  slope,  to 
a  convenient  spot  on  the  river  Valsa,  where  the  keels 
were  to  be  laid,  the  frames  put  together,  the  ship- 
building completed,  and  the  boats  launched  on  the 
river,  which  was  navigable  to  the  sea. 

This  amazing  undertaking  was  carried  out  as 
planned.  There  were  two  setbacks  before  the  work 
was  completed.  In  one  case,  after  the  frames  had  been 
made  and  carried  with  prodigious  toil  to  the  other  side 
of  the  mountain,  they  were  discovered  to  be  full  of 
worms  and  had  to  be  thrown  away.  After  they  had 
been  replaced,  and  while  the  men  were  building  the 
brigantines,  a  flood  washed  every  vestige  of  their 
labor  into  the  river.  But,  as  before,  nothing  could 
daunt  Balboa.  Finally,  after  labors  and  disappoint- 
ments enough  to  crush  the  heart  of  an  ordinary  man, 
two  of  the  brigantines  were  launched  in  the  river. 
Most  of  the  carrying  had  been  done  by  Indians,  over 
two  thousand  of  whom  died  under  the  tremendous 
exactions  of  the  work. 

Embarking  upon  the  two  brigantines,  Balboa  soon 
reached  the  Pacific,  where  he  was  presently  joined 
by  the  two  remaining  boats  as  they  were  completed. 
He  had  now  four  fairly  serviceable  ships  and  three 
hundred  of  the  best  men  of  the  New  World  under  his 
command.     He  was  well  equipped  and  well  provisioned 


46  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

for  the  voyage  and  lacked  only  a  little  iron  and  a  little 
pitch,  which,  of  course,  would  have  to  be  brought  to 
him  from  Acla  on  the  other  side  of  the  Isthmus.  The 
lack  of  that  little  iron  and  that  little  pitch  proved  the 
undoing  of  Vasco  Nunez.  If  he  had  been  able  to 
obtain  them  or  if  he  had  sailed  away  without  them,  he 
might  have  been  the  conqueror  of  Peru;  in  which  case 
that  unhappy  country  would  have  been  spared  the 
hideous  excesses  and  the  frightful  internal  brawls  and 
revolutions  which  afterward  almost  ruined  it  under 
the  long  rule  of  the  ferocious  Pizarros.  Balboa  would 
have  done  better  from  a  military  standpoint  than  his 
successors,  and  as  a  statesman  as  well  as  a  soldier  the 
results  of  his  policy  would  have  been  felt  for  generations. 

History  goes  on  to  state  that  while  he  was  waiting 
for  the  pitch  and  iron,  word  was  brought  to  him  that 
Pedrarias  was  to  be  superseded  in  his  government. 
This  would  have  been  delightful  tidings  under  any 
other  circumstances,  but  now  that  a  reconciliation  had 
been  patched  up  between  him  and  the  governor,  he 
rightly  felt  that  the  arrival  of  a  new  governor  might 
materially  alter  the  existing  state  of  affairs.  There- 
fore, he  determined  to  send  a  party  of  four  adherents 
across  the  mountains  to  Acla  to  find  out  if  the  rumours 
were  true. 

If  Pedrarias  was  supplanted  the  messengers  were  to 
return  immediately,  and  without  further  delay  they 
would  at  once  set  sail.  If  Pedrarias  was  still  there, 
well  and  good.  There  would  be  no  occasion  for  such 
precipitate  action  and  they  could  wait  for  the  pitch 
and  iron.  He  was  discussing  this  matter  with  some 
friends  on  a  rainy  day  in  15 17  —  the  month  and  the 
date  not  being  determinable  now.  The  sentry  attached 
to  the  governor's  quarters,  driven  to  the  shelter  of  the 


Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Romance      47 

house  by  the  storm,  overheard  a  part  of  this  harmless 
conversation.  There  is  nothing  so  dangerous  as  a 
half-truth;  it  is  worse  than  a  whole  lie.  The  soldier 
who  had  aforetime  felt  the  weight  of  Balboa's  heavy 
hand  for  some  dereliction  of  duty,  catching  sentences 
here  and  there,  fancied  he  detected  treachery  to 
Pedrarias  and  thought  he  saw  an  opportunity  of 
revenging  himself,  and  of  currying  favor  with  the 
governor,  by  reporting  it  at  the  first  convenient  oppor- 
tunity. 

Now,  there  lived  at  Acla  at  the  time  one  Andres 
Garavito.  This  man  was  Balboa's  bitter  enemy.  He 
had  presumed  to  make  dishonorable  overtures  to 
Balboa's  Indian  wife.  The  woman  had  indignantly 
repulsed  his  advances  and  had  made  them  known  to 
her  husband.  Balboa  had  sternly  reproved  Garavito 
and  threatened  him  with  death.  Garavito  had  nour- 
ished his  hatred,  and  had  sought  opportunity  to  injure 
his  former  captain.  The  men  sent  by  Balboa  to  Acla 
to  find  out  the  state  of  affairs  were  very  maladroit 
in  their  manoeuvres, and  their  peculiar  actions  awakened 
the  suspicions  of  Pedrarias.  The  first  one  who  entered 
the  town  was  seized  and  cast  into  prison.  The  others 
thereupon  came  openly  to  Acla  and  declared  their 
purposes.  This  seems  to  have  quieted,  temporarily, 
the  suspicions  of  Pedrarias;  but  the  implacable  Gara- 
vito, taking  opportunity,  when  the  governor's  mind 
was  unsettled  and  hesitant,  assured  him  that  Balboa 
had  not  the  slightest  intention  whatever  of  marrying 
Pedrarias's  daughter;  that  he  was  devoted  to  his 
Indian  wife,  and  intended  to  remain  true  to  her; 
that  it  was  his  purpose  to  sail  to  the  South  Sea,  estab- 
lish a  kingdom  and  make  himself  independent  of 
Pedrarias. 


48  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

The  old  animosity  and  anger  of  the  governor  awoke 
on  the  instant.  There  was  no  truth  in  the  accusations 
except  in  so  far  as  it  regarded  Vasco  Nunez's  attach- 
ment to  his  Indian  wife,  and  indeed  Balboa  had 
never  given  any  public  refusal  to  abide  by  the  marital 
engagement  which  he  had  entered  into;  but  there 
was  just  enough  probability  in  Garavito's  tale  to  carry 
conviction  to  the  ferocious  tyrant.  He  instantly 
determined  upon  Balboa's  death.  Detaining  his 
envoys,  he  sent  him  a  very  courteous  and  afFectionate 
letter,  entreating  him  to  come  to  Acla  to  receive  some 
further  instructions  before  he  set  forth  on  the  South 
Sea. 

Among  the  many  friends  of  Balboa  was  the  notary 
Arguello  who  had  embarked  his  fortune  in  the  pro- 
jected expedition.  He  prepared  a  warning  to  Vasco 
Nunez,  which  unfortunately  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Pedrarias  and  resulted  in  his  being  clapped  into  prison 
with  the  rest.  Balboa  unsuspiciously  complied  with 
the  governor's  request,  and,  attended  by  a  small  escort, 
immediately  set  forth  for  Acla. 

He  was  arrested  on  the  way  by  a  company  of  sol- 
diers headed  by  Francisco  Pizarro,  who  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  subsequent  transactions,  and  simply 
acted  under  orders,  as  any  other  soldier  would  have 
done.  Balboa  was  thrown  into  prison  and  heavily 
ironed;  he  was  tried  for  treason  against  the  King  and 
Pedrarias.  The  testimony  of  the  soldier  who  had 
listened  in  the  rainstorm  was  brought  forward,  and, 
in  spite  of  a  noble  defense,  Balboa  was  declared  guilty. 

Espinosa,  who  was  his  judge,  was  so  dissatisfied 
with  the  verdict,  however,  that  he  personally  besought 
Pedrarias  to  mitigate  the  sentence.  The  stern  old 
tyrant  refused   to  interfere,  nor  would  he  entertain 


Panama,  Balboa  and  a  Romance      49 

Balboa's  appeal  to  Spain.  "He  has  sinned,"  he  said 
tersely;  "death  to  him!"  Four  of  his  companions  — 
three  of  them  men  who  had  been  imprisoned  at  Acla, 
and  the  notary  who  had  endeavored  to  warn  him  — 
were  sentenced  to  death. 

It  was  evening  before  the  preparations  for  the  exe- 
cution were  completed.  Balboa  faced  death  as  daunt- 
lessly  as  he  had  faced  life.  Pedrarias  was  hated  in 
Acla  and  Darien;  Balboa  was  loved.  If  the  veterans 
of  Antigua  had  not  been  on  the  other  side  of  the  Isth- 
mus, Balboa  would  have  been  rescued.  As  it  was,  the 
troops  of  Pedrarias  awed  the  people  of  Acla  and  the 
judicial  murder  went  forward. 

Balboa  was  as  composed  when  he  mounted  the 
scaffold  as  he  had  been  when  he  welcomed  Pedrarias. 
A  proclamation  was  made  that  he  was  a  traitor,  and 
with  his  last  breath  he  denied  this  and  asserted  his 
innocence.  When  the  axe  fell  that  severed  his  head, 
the  noblest  Spaniard  of  the  time,  and  one  who  ranks 
with  those  of  any  time,  was  judicially  murdered.  One 
after  the  other,  the  three  companions,  equally  as  daunt- 
less, suffered  the  unjust  penalty.  The  fourth  execu- 
tion had  taken  place  in  the  swift  twilight  of  the  tropi- 
cal latitude  and  the  darkness  was  already  closing  down 
upon  the  town  when  the  last  man  mounted  the  scaffold. 
This  was  the  notary,  Arguello,  who  had  interfered  to 
save  Balboa.  He  seems  to  have  been  beloved  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town,  for  they  awakened  from  their 
horror,  and  some  of  consideration  among  them  appealed 
personally  to  Pedrarias,  who  had  watched  the  execu- 
tion from  a  latticed  window,  to  reprieve  the  last  vic- 
tim. "He  shall  die,"  said  the  governor  sternly,  "if 
I  have  to  kill  him  with  my  own  hand." 

So,  to  the  future  sorrow  of  America,  and  to  the 


So  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

great  diminution  of  the  glory  and  peace  of  Spain, 
and  the  world,  passed  to  his  death  the  gallant,  the 
dauntless,  the  noble-hearted  Balboa.  Pedrarias  lived 
until  his  eighty-ninth  year,  and  died  in  his  bed  at  Pan- 
ama; which  town  had  been  first  visited  by  one  of  his 
captains,  Tello  de  Guzman,  founded  by  Espinosa  and 
upbuilt  by  himself. 

There  are  times  when  a  belief  in  an  old-fashioned 
Calvinistic  hell  of  fire  and  brimstone  is  an  extremely 
comforting  doctrine,  irrespective  of  theological  bias. 
Else  how  should  we  dispose  of  Nero,  Tiberius,  Tor- 
quemada,  and  gentlemen  of  their  stripe  ?  Wherever 
such  a  company  may  be  congregated,  Pedro  Arias  de 
Avila  is  entitled  to  a  high  and  exclusive  place. 


Part  I 

SOUTH  AMERICAN   FIGHTS 
AND  FIGHTERS 

III 
Peru  and  the  Pizarros 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros 

A  Study  in  Retribution 
"They  that  take  the  sword  shall  perish  by  the  sword." 

I.     The  Chief  Scion  of  a  Famous  Family 

THE  reader  will  look  in  vain  on  the  map  of 
modern  Spain  for  the  ancient  province  of 
Estremadura,  yet  it  is  a  spot  which,  in  that 
it  was  the  birthplace  of  the  conquerors  of  Peru 
and  Mexico  —  to  say  nothing  of  the  discoverer 
of  the  Mississippi  —  contributed  more  to  the  glory 
of  Spain  than  any  other  province  in  the  Iberian  penin- 
sula. In  1883,  the  ancient  territory  was  divided  into 
the  two  present  existing  states  of  Badajoz  and  Caceres. 
In  the  latter  of  these  lies  the  important  mountain 
town  of  Trujillo. 

Living  there  in  the  last  half  of  the  fifteenth  century 
was  an  obscure  personage  named  Gonzalo  Pizarro. 
He  was  a  gentleman  whose  lineage  was  ancient,  whose 
circumstances  were  narrow  and  whose  morals  were 
loose.  By  profession  he  was  a  soldier  who  had  gained 
some  experience  in  the  wars  under  the  "Great  Captain/' 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova.  History  would  take  no  note 
of  this  vagrom  and  obscure  cavalier  had  it  not  been 
for  his  children.  Four  sons  there  were  whose  qualities 
and  opportunities  were  such  as  to  have  enabled  them 
to  play  a  somewhat  large  part  in  the  world's  affairs 

S3 


54  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

in  their  day.  How  many  unconsidered  other  progeny, 
male  or  female,  there  may  have  been,  God  alone  knows 
—  possibly,  nay  probably,  a  goodly  number f~ 

The  eldest  son  was  named  Francisco.  His  mother, 
who  was  not  married  to  his  father  —  indeed  not  married 
to  anybody  at  any  time  so  far  as  I  can  find  out  —  was 
a  peasant  woman  named  Francisca  Gonzales.  Fran- 
cisco was  born  about  the  year  1471.  His  advent  was 
not  of  sufficient  importance  to  have  been  recorded, 
apparently,  and  the  exact  date  of  his  terrestrial  appear- 
ance is  a  matter  of  conjecture,  with  the  guesses  ranging 
between  1470  and  1478.  A  few  years  after  the  arrival 
of  Francisco,  there  was  born  to  Gonzales,  and  this 
time  by  his  lawful  wife,  name  unknown,  a  second  son, 
Hernando.  By  the  woman  Gonzales,  a  score  of  years 
later,  this  promiscuous  father  had  two  more  illegiti- 
mate sons,  one  of  whom  he  named  Gonzalo  after  him- 
self, and  the  third  he  called  Juan.  Francisca  Gonzales 
also  bore  a  fourth  son,  of  whom  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was 
not  the  father,  who  was  known  as  Martin  de  Alcantara. 
Thus  Hernando,  the  second,  was  legitimate;  Gonzalo 
and  Juan  were  his  illegitimate  half-brethren,  having 
the  same  father  but  a  different  mother;  while  Alcan- 
tara was  a  uterine  brother  to  the  three  illegitimate 
Pizarros,  having  the  same  mother  but  a  different 
father.  There  must  have  been  marvelous  qualities 
in  the  original  Pizarro,  for  such  a  family  is  rarely  to 
be  met  with  in  history. 

Such  a  mixed  state  of  affairs  was  not  so  shocking 
in  those  days  as  it  would  be  at  present.  I  do  not  find 
that  anybody  cast  any  stones  at  the  Pizarros  on  account 
of  these  irregularities  in  their  birth.  In  fact,  they 
had  plenty  of  companions  in  their  anomalous  social 
relations,   and  it  is  a  speaking  commentary  on  the 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  55 

times  that  nobody  seemed  to  consider  ft  as  especially 
disgraceful  or  even  very  remarkable. 

Hernando,  the  second  son,  received  a  good  edu- 
cation for  the  day.  The  others  were  thrown  mainly 
on  their  own  resources.  Legend  says  that  Francisco 
was  suckled  by  a  sow.  The  statement  may  be  dis- 
missed as  a  fable,  but  it  is  more  than  probable  that 
the  assertion  that  he  was  a  swineherd  is  correct.  It 
is  certain  that  to  the  day  of  his  death  he  could  neither 
read  nor  write.  He  never  even  learned  to  sign  his 
own  name,  yet  he  was  a  man  of  qualities  who  made  a 
great  figure  in  history  in  spite  of  these  disabilities, 
leaving  behind  him  an  immortal  if  unenviable  name. 
His  career  was  humble  and  obscure  to  the  vanishing 
point  for  forty  years,  of  which  practically  nothing  is 
known.  It  is  alleged  that  he  made  a  campaign  in 
Italy  with  his  father,  but  this  is  doubtful.  A  father 
who  left  him  to  tend  the  swine,  who  did  nothing  for 
his  education,  would  not  have  bothered  to  take  him 
a-soldiering. 

We  leave  the  field  of  conjecture,  however,  and 
meet  him  in  far-off  America  in  1510  as  an  officer  under 
Alonzo  de  Ojeda  —  that  Don  Quixote  among  dis- 
coverers. His  qualities  had  obtained  for  him  some 
preferment,  for  when  Ojeda  left  the  miserable  remnants 
of  his  colony  at  San  Sebastian  on  the  Gulf  of  Darien, 
and  returned  to  Cuba  for  help,  Pizarro  was  put  in 
charge,  with  instructions  to  wait  a  certain  time,  and 
if  succour  did  not  reach  him  to  leave.  He  waited 
the  required  time,  indeed  waited  longer,  until  enough 
people  died  to  enable  the  brigantine  that  had  been 
left  with  them  to  carry  the  survivors,  and  then  sailed 
away.  He  was  a  member  of  Encisco's  expedition  to 
Darien,  in  which   he  fell  in  with  the  youthful   and 


56  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

romantic  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa.  With  Balboa  he 
marched  across  the  Isthmus,  and  was  the  second  white 
man  to  look  upon  the  Great  South  Sea  in  1513.  Sub- 
sequently, he  was  an  officer  under  that  American  Nero, 
Pedro  Arias  de  Avila,  commonly  called  Pedrarias, 
the  founder  and  Governor  of  Panama,  the  conqueror 
of  Nicaragua  and  parts  adjacent.  Oviedo  says  that 
between  his  seventieth  year,  which  was  his  age  when 
he  came  to  America,  and  his  eighty-sixth  year,  when 
he  died,  the  infamous  Pedrarias  caused  more  than 
two  million  Indians  to  be  put  to  death,  besides  a 
numerous  lot  of  his  own  countrymen.  If  we  lop  off 
two  ciphers,  the  record  is  still  bad  enough. 

In  1515,  Pizarro  and  Morales,  by  direction  of  Pedra- 
rias, made  an  expedition  to  the  south  of  the  Gulf  of 
San  Miguel,  into  the  territory  of  a  chieftain  named 
Biru,  from  whom  they  early  got  into  the  habit  of  calling 
the  vague  land  believed  to  exist  in  the  South  Sea,  the 
"Land  of  Biru,"  or  Peru.  It  was  on  this  expedition 
that  the  Spaniards,  hotly  pursued  by  the  natives, 
stabbed  their  captives  one  by  one  and  left  them  dying 
at  intervals  in  the  pathway  to  check  pursuit.  The 
practice  was  effective  enough  and  the  action  throws 
an  interesting  light  on  the  Spanish  conquistador 
in  general  and  Pizarro  in  particular. 

It  fell  to  the  lot  of  Pizarro  also  to  arrest  his  old 
captain,  Balboa,  just  as  the  latter  was  about  to  sail  on 
a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  fabulous  gold  country  of 
Peru  in  151 7.*  When  Balboa  and  Pizarro  had  crossed 
the  Isthmus  six  years  before,  the  son  of  the  Cacique 
Comagre,  observing  their  avidity  for  gold,  told  them 

*  "What  is  this,  Francisco  Pizarro  ?"  Balboa  asked,  in  great  astonishment,  of  his 
former  lieutenant  and  comrade,  meeting  him  and  his  soldiers  on  the  way  with  the  order 
of  arrest.     "You  were  not  wont  to  come  out  in  this  fashion  to  receive  me!" 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  57 

that  it  abounded  in  a  mysterious  land  far  toward  the 
south,  and  the  young  Indian  made  a  little  clay  image 
of  a  llama  further  to  describe  the  country. 

To  conquer  that  El  Dorado  had  been  Balboa's 
cherished  dream.  Well  would  it  have  been  for  the 
country  had  not  the  jealousy  of  Pedrarias  cut  short 
Balboa's  career  by  taking  off  his  head,  thus  forcing 
the  enterprise  to  be  undertaken  by  men  of  coarser 
mould  and  meaner  clay.  It  does  not  appear  that 
Pizarro  had  any  hand  in  the  judicial  murder  of  Balboa, 
and  no  reflection  can  be  made  on  his  conduct  for  the 
arrest,  which  was  simply  a  matter  of  military  duty, 
probably  as  distasteful  to  Pizarro  as  it  was  surprising 
to  Balboa. 

II.     The  Terrible  Persistence  of  Pizarro 

In  1519,  Pizarro  was  living  in  Panama  in  rather 
straightened  circumstances.  His  life  had  been  a  failure. 
A  soldier  of  fortune,  he  possessed  little  but  his  sword. 
He  was  discontented,  and  although  now  nearly  fifty 
years  of  age,  he  still  had  ambition.  With  remembrance 
of  what  he  had  heard  the  young  Indian  chief  tell 
Balboa,  constantly  inciting  him  to  a  further  grapple 
with  hitherto  coy  and  elusive  fortune,  he  formed  a 
partnership  with  another  poverty-stricken  but  enter- 
prising veteran  named  Diego  de  Almagro,  whose 
parentage  was  as  obscure  as  Pizarro*  s  —  indeed  more 
so,  for  he  is  reputed  to  have  been  a  foundling,  although 
Oviedo  describes  him  as  the  son  of  a  Spanish  laboring 
man.  The  two  men  supplemented  each  other.  Pizarro, 
although  astute  and  circumspect,  was  taciturn  and 
chary  of  speech,  though  fluent  enough  on  occasion; 
he  was  slow  in  making  up  his  mind,  too,  but  when  it 


/- 


58  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

was  made  up,  resolute  and  tenacious  of  his  purpose. 
Almagro  was  quick,  impulsive,  generous,  frank  in 
manner,  "wonderfully  skilled  in  gaining  the  hearts 
of  men,"  but  sadly  deficient  in  other  qualities  of  leader- 
ship. Both  were  experienced  soldiers,  as  brave  as 
lions  and  nearly  as  cruel  as  Pedrarias  himself — being 
indeed  worthy  disciples  of  his  school. 

The  two  penniless,  middle-aged  soldiers  of  fortune 
determined  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  that  distant 
empire  —  a  stupendous  resolution.  Being  almost  with- 
out means,  they  were  forced  to  enlarge  the  company 
by  taking  on  a  third  partner,  a  priest  named  Luque, 
who  had,  or  could  command,  the  necessary  funds. 
With  the  sanction  of  Pedrarias,  who  demanded  and 
received  a  share,  largely  gratuitous,  in  the  expedition, 
they  bought  two  of  the  four  vessels  which  Balboa  had 
caused  to  be  taken  to  pieces,  transported  them  across 
the  Isthmus,  then  set  them  up  again,  and  relaunched  in 
the  Pacific.  Enlisting  one  hundred  men  under  his 
banner,  Pizarro  set  sail  with  the  first  vessel  on  the 
14th  of  November,  1524.  Almagro  was  to  follow  after 
with  reinforcements  and  supplies  in  the  second  ship. 
One  Andagoya  had  made  a  short  excursion  southward 
some  time  before,  but  they  soon  passed  his  latitude 
and  were  the  first  white  men  to  cleave  those  southern 
seas. 

With  only  their  hopes  to  guide  them,  without  pilot, 
chart  or  experience,  being,  I  suspect,  indifferent  sailors 
and  wretched  navigators,  they  crept  along  the  forbidding 
shore  in  a  crazy  little  ship,  landing  from  time  to  time, 
seeing  no  evidence  of  the  empire,  being  indeed  unable 
to  penetrate  the  jungles  far  enough  to  find  out  much 
of  anything  about  the  countries  they  passed.  Finally, 
at  one  place,  that  they  afterwards  called  "Starvation 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  59 

Harbor,"  the  men  rebelled  and  demanded  to  be  led 
back.  They  had  seen  and  heard  little  of  importance. 
There  seemed  to  be  nothing  before  them  but  death 
by  starvation. 

Pizarro,  however,  who  has  been  aptly  described  as 
"terribly  persistent,,,  refused  to  return.  He  sent  the 
ship  back  to  the  Isles  of  Pearls  for  provisions,  and 
grimly  clung  to  the  camp  on  the  desolate  shore.  When 
twenty  of  his  men  were  dead  of  starvation,  the  ship 
came  back  with  supplies.  In  one  of  their  excursions, 
during  this  wait  at  Starvation  Harbor,  they  had 
stumbled  upon  and  surprised  an  Indian  village  in 
which  they  found  some  clumsy  gold  ornaments,  with 
further  tales  of  the  El  Dorado  to  the  southward. 
Instead  of  yielding  to  the  request  of  his  men  that  they 
immediately  return  in  the  ship,  therefore,  the  indomi- 
table Spaniard  made  sail  southward.  He  landed  at 
various  places,  getting  everywhere  little  food  and  less 
gold,  but  everywhere  gaining  more  and  more  con- 
firmation that  the  foundation  of  his  dreams  was  not 
"the  baseless  fabric  of  a  vision." 

In  one  place  they  had  a  fierce  battle  with  the  Indians 
in  which  two  of  the  Spaniards  were  killed  and  a  large 
number  wounded.  Pizarro  now  determined  to  return 
to  Panama  with  the  little  gold  he  had  picked  up  and 
the  large  stories  he  had  heard,  there  to  recruit  his  band 
and  to  start  out  again.  Almagro  meanwhile  had  set 
forth  with  his  ship  with  sixty  or  seventy  additional 
adventurers.  He  easily  followed  the  traces  of  Pizarro 
on  the  shore  but  the  ships  did  not  meet.  Almagro 
went  farther  south  than  Pizarro.  At  one  landing- 
place  he  had  a  furious  battle  with  the  natives  in  which 
he  lost  an  eye.  He  turned  back  after  reaching  the 
mouth  of  the  river  San  Juan  in  about  the  fourth  paral- 


60  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

lei  of  north  latitude.  He,  too,  had  picked  up  some 
little  treasure  and  a  vast  quantity  of  rumor  to  com- 
pensate for  his  lost  optic  and  bitter  experience.  But 
the  partners  had  little  to  show  for  their  sufferings  and 
expenditures  but  rumors  and  hopes. 

Pedrarias  in  disgust  withdrew  from  the  expedition 
for  a  price,  which,  with  the  money  necessary  to  send 
out  a  second  expedition,  was  furnished  through  Luque 
by  the  Licentiate  Espinosa.  About  September,  1526, 
with  two  ships,  the  two  captains  set  forth  once  more. 
This  time  they  had  with  them  a  capable  pilot  named 
Ruiz.  They  avoided  the  coast  and  steered  direct 
for  the  mouth  of  the  San  Juan  River.  Pizarro  surprised 
a  village  here,  carried  off  some  of  the  natives,  and  a 
considerable  amount  of  gold.  This  Almagro,  as  the 
best  "persuader,"  took  back  to  Panama  in  the  hope 
that  by  exhibiting  it  he  could  gain  much  needed  rein- 
forcements for  their  expedition. 

The  ships  were  very  much  undermanned.  The 
experience  of  the  first  expedition,  as  related  by  the 
survivors,  had  been  so  horrible  that  it  was  with  difficulty 
that  they  could  get  anybody  to  go  with  them  on  the 
second.  Pizarro  agreed  to  remain  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river  and  examine  the  vicinity,  while  Ruiz  with 
the  second  ship  sailed  southward  to  see  what  he  could 
discover.  Pizarro's  men  found  no  gold,  although 
they  explored  the  country  with  prodigious  labor. 
Indians  fell  upon  them,  at  one  time  killing  fourteen 
who  had  stranded  in  a  canoe  on  the  bank  of  a  river. 
Many  other  Spaniards  perished,  and  all  except  Pizarro 
and  a  few  of  the  stoutest  hearts  begged  to  return  to 
Panama. 

Ruiz  came  back  just  as  they  had  begun  to  despair. 
He  had  crossed  the  Equator,  the  first  European  to 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  61 

cross  it  from  the  north,  and  had  sailed  half  a  degree 
south  from  the  line.* 

He  brought  back  some  Indians,  further  specimens 
of  gold  and  silver  ornaments,  exquisitely  woven  woollen 
garments,  et  cetera,  which  he  had  taken  from  a  craft 
cruising  near  the  shore,  which  were  proofs  positive 
of  the  existence  of  the  long-desired  country. 

Almagro  now  made  his  appearance  with  reinforce- 
ments and  the  keels  were  soon  turned  to  the  south. 
Coasting  along  the  shore,  they  saw  increasing  evidence 
of  cultivation  in  the  valleys  and  uplands,  backed  by 
the  huge  snow-crowned  range  of  the  Andes.  Large 
villages  appeared  here  and  there.  Finally,  they 
anchored  opposite  a  considerable  town  laid  out  in 
well-defined  streets,  containing  about  two  thousand 
houses,  many  of  them  built  of  stone.  From  their 
position  close  to  the  shore  they  thought  that  they  could 
make  out  that  the  inhabitants  wore  ornaments  of  gold. 
Several  canoes  approached  the  ship,  one  of  them 
crowded  with  warriors  carrying  a  species  of  gold  mask 
as  an  ensign. 

There  appeared  to  be  at  least  ten  thousand  warriors 
assembled  on  the  shore  but  Pizarro  landed  with  the 
few  horses  which  he  had  brought  along  in  the  ship. 
A  sharp  engagement  ensued,  and  the  result  might 
have  been  disastrous  to  the  Spaniards  had  not  one  of 
them  fallen  from  his  horse  during  the  fray.  This 
diversion  of  what  they  considered  a  single  animal 
into  two,  both  living,  alarmed  the  Indians  so  much, 
that  they  desisted  from  the  attack  and  withdrew,  the 
Spaniards  taking  advantage  of  the  chance  to  return 
to  the  ships. 

What  to  do  next  was  the  problem.     They  had  not 

*  Magellan  had  crossed  it  from  the  south  five  years  before. 


62  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

sufficient  force  or  supplies  with  them  to  encounter  the 
natives,  or  conquer  or  even  explore  the  country.  The 
expedition  was  about  as  meagrely  equipped  as  it  well 
could  be  and  be  an  expedition  at  all.  There  were 
long  discussions  on  the  ships  and  a  fierce  quarrel 
between  the  two  partners.  Finally,  it  was  composed 
outwardly,  and  it  was  decided  that  Pizarro  should 
remain  at  the  coast  at  some  convenient  point  while 
Almagro,  the  traverser,  went  back  for  reinforcements. 
Pizarro  elected  to  pitch  his  camp  on  the  little  Island 
of  Gallo  which  they  had  discovered.  Those  who  were 
appointed  to  remain  with  him  rebelled  at  the  decision 
which  left  them  marooned  on  a  desolate  island  with 
no  adequate  provisions  for  their  needs.  Pizarro, 
however,  insisted  and  Almagro  sailed  with  the  other 
ship.  Shortly  afterward,  Pizarro  sent  the  remaining 
ship  with  the  most  obstinate  of  the  mutineers  to 
Panama.  A  letter  revealing  their  sad  plight,  which 
was  concealed  in  a  ball  of  cotton  sent  as  a  present  to 
the  wife  of  the  governor  by  one  of  the  men  on  the 
island  of  Gallo,  was  smuggled  ashore  at  Panama 
when  Almagro's  ship  reached  that  point,  despite  his 
vigilant  efforts  to  allow  no  such  communications  to  pass. 
There  was  a  new  governor  in  Panama,  Pedro  de 
los  Rios.  Incensed  by  the  loss  of  life  and  the  hard- 
ships of  the  two  expeditions,  with  the  lack  of  definite 
and  tangible  results,  and  disregarding  the  remon- 
strances of  Almagro,  he  dispatched  two  ships  under 
one  Pedro  Tafur  to  bring  them  back.  Life  on  the 
island  of  Gallo  had  been  a  hideous  experience.  Famine, 
disease  and  inclement  weather  had  taken  off  many 
and  had  broken  the  spirit  of  the  most  of  the  rest  of 
the  band.  Nothing  could  break  that  of  Pizarro. 
When  Tafur  appeared,  he  refused  to  return.     Drawing 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  63 

an  east-and-west  line  upon  the  sand  with  his  sword, 
he  made  a  brief  soldierly  address  to  his  men. 

"Friends  and  comrades,"  he  said,  facing  the  south, 
"on  that  side  of  the  line  are  toil,  hunger,  nakedness, 
the  drenching  storm,  destruction  and  death.  On 
this  side,"  turning  to  the  north,  "are  ease  and  pleasure. 
There  lies  Peru  with  its  riches.  Here,  Panama  with 
its  poverty.  Choose  each  man  as  best  becomes  a 
cavalier  of  Castile.     For  my  part,  I  go  to  the  south." 

Such  was  the  effect  of  his  electrifying  words,  that, 
as  he  stepped  over  the  line,  a  number  of  his  comrades, 
led  by  Ruiz,  the  pilot,  and  Pedro  de  Candia,  a  Greek 
gunner,  followed  him.  The  number  varies  from 
thirteen  to  sixteen  according  to  different  authorities. 
The  weight  of  evidence  inclines  me  to  the  smaller 
number.* 

Tafur  raged  and  threatened,  but  Pizarro  and  his 
men  persisted.  They  got  themselves  transferred  to 
the  Island  of  Gorgona  where  there  were  water  and 
game  and  no  inhabitants,  and  there  they  stayed  while 
Tafur  returned. 

*  Prcscott,  to  whose  remarkable  accuracy,  considering  the  time  in  which  he  wrote, 
the  authorities  at  his  command,  and  the  disabilities  under  which  he  labored,  I  am  glad 
to  testify,  in  view  of  the  prevalent  opinion  that  his  books  are  literature  and  not  history, 
says  thirteen;  Helps  says  fifteen,  while  Markham  and  Fiske  say  sixteen.  Kirk  verifies 
Prescott's  conclusion  with  a  good  argument.  One  thing  there  is  to  which  no  one  but 
Prescott  seems  to  have  called  attention  or  explained.  Everybody  says  Ruiz,  the  old 
pilot,  was  the  first  to  follow  Pizarro  across  the  line.  If  so,  he  must  have  stepped  back 
again,  probably  at  Pizarro's  request,  for  six  months  later  we  find  him  leaving  Panama 
in  charge  of  the  ship  which  took  Pizarro  and  his  devoted  subordinates  off  the  Island  of 
Gorgona.  Ruiz  could  only  have  reached  Panama  in  Tafur's  ship.  Certain  it  is  that 
only  thirteen  men  were  ennobled  for  their  heroic  constancy  on  the  Island  of  Gallo, 
as  we  shall  see  later.  The  three  names  added  to  Prescott's  list  are  put  there  on  the 
authority  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  the  son  of  a  Spanish  cavalier  and  an  Inca  princess. 
Two  of  the  three  men  he  mentions  he  claims  told  him  personally  that  they  had  been 
of  the  heroic  band  which  had  refused  to  abandon  Pizarro.  Such  claims  made  by 
men  who  may  really  believe  them  to  be  true  after  the  event,  are  not  rare  in  history. 

Whatever  the  exact  number,  there  were  but  a  handful.  The  rest, choosing  Panama, 
remained  on  the  north  side  of  the  line,  and  I  have  no  doubt  regretted  their  decision 
for  the  rest  of  their  lives. 


64  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Less  than  a  score  of  men  marooned  on  a  desert 
island  in  an  unknown  sea,  opposite  a  desolate  and 
forbidding  coast,  without  a  ship  or  any  means  of  leaving 
the  island,  not  knowing  whether  Almagro  and  Luque 
would  be  able  to  succor  them;  their  position  was 
/  indeed  a  desperate  one.  It  shows,  as  nothing  else 
/  could,  the  iron  determination  of  the  indomitable  Span- 
iard. At  that  moment  when  Pizarro  drew  the  line 
and  stepped  across  it  after  that  fiery  address,  he  touched 
at  the  same  time  the  nadir  of  his  fortunes  and  the 
zenith  of  his  fame.  Surely  it  stands  as  one  of  the 
great  dramatic  incidents  of  history.  The  conquest 
of  Peru  turned  upon  that  very  instant,  upon  the  deter- 
mination of  that  moment;  and  upon  the  conquest  of 
Peru  depended  more  things  in  the  future  history  of 
the  earth  than  were  dreamed  of  in  the  narrow  phi- 
losophy of  any  Spaniard  there  present,  or  of  any  other 
man  in  existence  in  that  long-past  day. 

Peru  has  played  a  tremendously  important  part  in 
the  affairs  of  men.  It  was  the  treasure  of  Peru  that 
armed  the  soldiers  of  Alva  and  laid  the  keels  of  the 
Armada.  It  was  the  treasure  of  Peru  that  relieved 
/  the  Spanish  people  of  the  necessity  of  wresting  a 
national  revenue  out  of  a  soil  by  agriculture;  which 
abrogated  the  auxiliary  of  agriculture,  manufactures; 
which  precluded  the  possibility  of  the  corollary  of  the 
other  two,  commerce.  It  was  the  treasure  of  Peru 
that  permitted  the  Spanish  people  to  indulge  that 
passion  for  religious  bigotry  which  was  stifling  to 
liberty  and  throttling  to  development,  and  which  put 
them  hopelessly  out  of  touch  with  the  onward  and 
progressive  movement  of  humanity  in  one  of  the  most 
vital  periods  and  movements  in  history.  It  was  the 
treasure  of  Peru  that  kindled  the  fires  of  the  Inquisition, 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  65 

in  which  the  best  blood  of  the  nation  lighted  it  to  its 
downfall,  and  blazed  the  way  for  Manila  and  San- 
tiago. Philip  II,  and  his  decadent  and  infamous 
successors  depended  upon  the  mines  of  Potosi  and  the 
mines  of  Potosi  hung  upon  Pizarro  and  his  line  in  the 
sand.  The  base-born,  ignorant,  cruel  soldier  wrecked 
in  one  moment  a  nation,  made  and  unmade  empires, 
and  changed  the  whole  course  of  the  world. 

It  was  largely  the  Spanish  zeal  and  intolerance 
that  developed  and  made  perfect  the  Reformation, 
for  no  great  cause  has  ever  won  success  without 
opposition,  nay,  persecution.  "The  blood  of  the 
martyr,"  says  St.  Augustine,  "is  the  seed  of  the 
church." 

To  return  to  the  situation.  Tafur  presently  reached 
Panama  and  reported.  The  governor  and  the  people 
of  that  city  looked  upon  Pizarro  as  a  madman.  Luque 
and  Almagro  were  unwearying  in  their  efforts  and 
importunities,  however,  and  finally  they  wrung  a  reluc- 
tant permission  from  De  los  Rios  for  Ruiz  and  one 
small  ship  and  a  few  men  to  go  to  the  rescue,  with  the 
proviso  that  a  return  must  be  made  within  six  months. 
One  can  imagine  the  joy  with  which  the  desperate 
adventurers  on  the  island  saw  the  sails  of  that  ship 
whitening  the  horizon.  Once  more  they  set  sail  to 
the  south,  arriving  finally  before  a  large  and  populous 
town  called  Tumbez.  Here  they  saw  undoubted 
signs  of  the  existence  of  a  great  empire  in  a  high  state 
of  civilization.  The  little  party  had  some  pleasant 
intercourse  with  the  natives  of  Tumbez. 

They  gathered  a  considerable  amount  of  gold  and 
silver,  some  of  it  exquisitely  wrought  by  cunning  arti- 
ficers into  the  forms  of  beautiful  and  unknown  plants 
and   animals.     There   was   no   possible   doubt   as   to 


66  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

the  truth  of  their  golden  dreams.  The  empire  of 
Peru  in  all  its  magnificence  lay  before  them. 

Too  meagre  a  force  to  embrace  the  opportunity, 
there  was  nothing  to  do  but  to  return  to  Panama. 
There  it  was  agreed  that  Pizarro,  with  De  Candia, 
should  go  over  to  Spain,  taking  with  him  Peruvians 
and  treasures,  tell  what  he  had  seen,  and  secure  the 
royal  countenance  and  support  for  their  future  under- 
taking, while  Almagro  and  Luque  remained  at  Panama 
preparing  for  the  final  expedition.  Pizarro  had  no 
sooner  set  foot  in  Spain  than  he  was  arrested  for  debt 
on  some  ancient  charge  by  Encisco,  but  he  was  too 
big  a  man,  now,  for  such  petty  persecution  and  he 
was  at  once  released  and  ordered  to  present  himself 
at  court.  The  rough,  blunt  soldier,  with  his  terrible 
yet  romantic  tale  with  its  infinite  possibilities,  was 
received  with  astonishing  cordiality.  He  gained  a 
royal  commission  to  discover  and  conquer  the  empire 
of  Peru  for  Spain  for  the  distance  of  two  hundred 
leagues  south  of  the  Santiago  River,  and  received 
the  title  of  Governor  and  Captain-General  with  large 
powers  and  revenue  appertaining,  which  it  was  easy 
for  the  crown  to  bestow  since  Pizarro  had  to  get  them 
himself. 

Almagro,  who  justly  felt  himself  slighted  and  his 
services  inadequately  valued,  was  made  Governor  of 
Tumbez;  Luque  was  appointed  Bishop  for  the  same 
place  and  Protector  of  the  Peruvians;  Ruiz  was  named 
Grand  Pilot  of  the  Southern  Ocean;  De  Candia,  a 
General  of  Artillery;  and  every  one  of  the  thirteen 
who  had  crossed  the  line  at  Gallo  was  ennobled  and 
made  an  Hidalgo  of  Spain. 

Then  Pizarro  went  back  to  Trujillo.  Certainly  it 
must  have  been  a  happy  moment  for  the  neglected 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  67 

bastard  who  had  been  a  swineherd  to  return  to  his 
native  village  under  such  enviable  conditions.  He 
set  sail  for  America  early  in  1530,  with  three  ships. 
His  four  brothers  came  with  him,  the  able  Hernando 
being  made  second  in  command.  Almagro  and  Luque 
were  very  much  chagrined  at  the  meagre  reward  that 
had  fallen  to  them,  and  Almagro  looked  with  deep 
antagonism  upon  the  advent  of  the  Pizarros,  who, 
he  realized  instinctively,  would  undermine  his  influence 
with  his  partner.  This  hatred  the  new  Pizarros 
repaid  in  kind.  Some  sort  of  peace,  however,  was 
patched  up  between  them,  and  in  January,  1531,  with 
three  small  ships  and  one  hundred  and  eighty-three 
men,  including  thirty-seven  horses,  Francisco  set 
forth  on  his  final  voyage  of  conquest. 

Nearly  seven  years  had  elapsed  since  the  first  attempt 
was  made.  As  yet  they  had  little  but  empty  titles, 
large  powers,  purely  potential,  however,  and  drained 
purses  to  show  for  their  heroic  endeavor,  but  the 
persistence  of  Pizarro  was  about  to  triumph  at  last. 
After  a  voyage  of  thirteen  days,  the  squadron  arrived 
at  San  Mateo,  where  the  horses  and  soldiers  were 
landed  and  ordered  to  march  along  the  shore  southward, 
while  the  ships  were  sent  back  for  reinforcements 
which  Almagro  was  gathering  as  usual.  They  returned 
with  thirty  more  men  and  thirty-six  additional  horses. 
Arriving  at  the  Gulf  of  Guayaquil,  Pizarro  established 
himself  on  the  island  of  Puna,  opposite  Tumbez,  which 
he  cleared  of  its  inhabitants  by  a  series  of  desperate 
battles.  There  he  was  reenforced  by  a  detachment  of 
one  hundred  men  with  an  additional  number  of  horses 
under  the  command  of  young  Hernando  de  Soto, 
another  gallant  Estremaduran,  and  quite  the  most 
attractive    among   this    band   of  desperadoes,    whose 


itfl 


68  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

design  was  to  loot  an  empire  and  proclaim  the  Holy 
Gospel  of  Christ  as  the  Spanish  people  had  received 
the  same.  I  have  no  doubt  at  all  that  the  desire  to 
propagate  their  religion  was  quite  as  real  and  as 
vividly  present  to  them  at  all  times  as  was  their  greed 
for  gold.  They  had  a  zeal  for  God,  but  not  according 
to  knowledge;  like  the  men  of  the  Middle  Ages  who 
bore  the  cross  on  their  hauberks,  every  Spaniard  was 
a  crusader.  Aside  from  De  Soto,  there  is  no  single 
character  of  all  those,  either  Indian  or  Spaniard,  who 
for  fifteen  years  made  Peru  a  bloody  battle-ground, 
except  the  unfortunate  young  Inca  Manco  Capac, 
who  is  entitled  to  the  least  admiration  or  affection. 
In  April,  1532,  Pizarro  embarked  his  men  on  the 
ships  and  landed,  not  without  some  fierce  fighting,  at 
Tumbez,,  on  the  coast  of  Peru.  At  last  the  expedition 
was  on  solid  ground  and  nothing  prevented  its  further 
advance.  On  the  18th  of  May,  therefore,  they  took 
up  the  march  for  the  interior,  little  dreaming  of  the 
ultimate  fate  that  awaited  them  all. 

III.     "A  Communistic  Despotism." 

The  empire  of  Peru  well  deserved  the  title  of  Mag- 
nificent. The  highest  civilization  attained  on  the 
Western  Hemisphere  had  been  reached  on  this  South 
American  coast.  A  form  of  government  unique  in 
history  had  been  developed  and  put  in  operation  by  a 
capable  and  enlightened  people.  It  was  a  "com- 
munistic despotism/'  a  community  with  a  despot 
and  a  ruling  class  superimposed  upon  its  socialism. 
The  sway  of  these  despots  was  exceedingly  mild  and 
gentle,  even  if  absolute.  With  wonderful  ingenuity 
and    a    rare    capacity    for    organization,    upon    the 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  69 

ruins  of  an  older  civilization,  they     built    the    Inca 
Empire. 

The  Incas  were  the  ruling  tribe,  the  Emperor  being  the 
Inca  par  excellence.  Their  empire  was  as  thoroughly 
organized  as  it  is  possible  for  a  community  to  be. 
Indeed,  it  was  organized  to  death;  the  Inca  was  the 
empire,  and  one  source  of  the  empire's  speedy  down- 
fall was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  national  spirit  of  the 
Peruvians  had  been  so  crushed  by  the  theocratic 
despotism  of  their  rulers  that  they  viewed  the  change 
of  masters  with  more  or  less  indifference.  When 
the  Incas  conquered  a  country  and  people  they  so 
arranged  affairs  as  to  incorporate  the  people  as  part 
of  the  empire.  They  called  their  domains  grandilo- 
quently "the  four  quarters  of  the  earth. "  They  did 
not  govern  this  great  territory  by  brute  force  as  did  the 
Aztecs  —  although  they  knew  how  to  use  the  sword 
if  necessary  —  but  by  methods  dictated  by  prudent 
and  profound  policy,  productive  of  peaceful  success. 
The  mild  government  of  the  Incas  was  at  once  patri- 
archal, theocratic  and  despotic.  Whatever  it  was, 
from—the  rncas*  pomTof  view  it  was  absolute  and 
satisfactory. 

Prescott's  account  of  the  Inca  civilization  reads 
like  a  romance,. yet  it  is  practically  borne  out  by  all  -_. 
chroniclers  who  have  discussed  the  subject,  some  of 
whom  appear  to  desire  to  find  the  great  American 
historian  at  fault.  Large  and  populous  cities  existed, 
communication  between  which  was  had  by  great 
national  roads  traversing  every  part  of  the  land.  Vast 
herds  of  llamas  were  domesticated,  from  the  hair  of 
which  the  exquisitely  woven  cloth  was  made.  Agricul- 
ture flourished.  The  country,  upraised  from  the  sea  by 
the  great  range  of  mountains,  afforded  every  variety  of 


70  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

climate  from  temperate  to  tropic,  and  the  diversified 
products  of  the  soil  corresponded  with  the  opportunities 
presented.  And  every  foot  of  space  was  utilized  for 
a  population  of  millions  of  industrious  workers,  with 
an  economy  and  resourcefulness  only  emulated  by  the 
Chinese  in  the  working  of  their  country.  Even  the 
mountain-sides  were  terraced  by  tiny  farms. 

The  Peruvians  had  made  some  progress  in  the  arts, 
less  in  science.  They  lacked  the  art  of  writing,  although 
they  possessed  a  highly  developed  system  of  mnemonic 
aids  in  the  form  of  curiously  knotted  and  particolored 
strings  called  quipus.  Their  literature,  if  the  contra- 
diction be  permitted,  was  handed  down  like  their 
history,  by  oral  tradition. 

Great  as  had  been  their  achievements,  however, 
they  were  in  a  curious  state  of  arrested  development. 
With  the  Peruvians,  says  Helps,  "everything  stopped 
short.,,  They  had  not  arrived  at  a  finality  anywhere, 
save  perhaps  in  their  mode  of  government.  They 
could  erect  enormous  time-defying  buildings,  but 
they  knew  of  no  way  to  roof  them  except  by  thatching 
them.  Their  roads  were  marvels  of  engineering  con- 
struction, but  they  could  not  build  bridges  except 
frail  ones  made  out  of  osier  cables.  No  wheels  ran 
along  the  smooth,  well-paved,  magnificent  highways. 
They  could  refine  gold  and  silver  and  make  weapons 
of  tempered  copper,  but  they  were  entirely  ignorant 
of  the  use  of  iron.  The  greatest  human  development 
has  depended  upon  that  last  metal.  The  great  nations 
are  those  which  have  had  the  steel-tempered  sword 
blades  in  their  hands.  They  could  administer  a  colony 
in  a  way  to  excite  the  admiration  of  the  world,  and  yet 
not  write  a  line.  There  is  little  probability  that  they 
would  have  progressed  much  beyond  the  state  at  which 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  71 

they  had  arrived,  for  there  was  no  individual  liberty 
in  the  land.  That  was  the  fatal  defect  in  their  system. 
It  was  the  lack  which  put  that  touch  of  finality  to  their 
otherwise  marvelously  developed  condition  and  which 
limited  inexorably  their  civilization.  The  unchange- 
able conditions  were  stifling  to  ambition  and  para- 
lyzing to  achievement.  The  two  things  the  country 
lacked  were  the  two  vital  things  to  human  progress 
and  human  success  —  letters  and  liberty. 

The  religious  development  of  the  Peruvians  was 
very  high.  They  worshipped  an  unknown  Supreme 
Being  and  they  worshipped  him,  it  is  conclusively 
demonstrated,  without  human  sacrifice.  Objectively 
they  paid  their  chief  adoration  to  the  sun,  moon  and 
stars,  and  to  the  Inca  as  the  child  or  earthly  repre- 
sentative of  the  sun.  Sun-worship  is  the  noblest 
and  highest  of  all  the  purely  natural  religions.  When 
to  this  was  superadded  an  instinctive  feeling  for  a 
great  First  Cause,  of  which  the  solar  magnificence 
was  but  a  manifestation,  the  religion  of  the  Peruvians 
is  entitled  to  great  respect. 

Their  history  ran  back  into  the  mists  of  the  past. 
At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  Pizarro,  a  curious  con- 
dition, anomalous  in  their  records,  had  arisen.  Huayna 
Capac,  one  of  the  greatest  monarchs  of  the  Inca  line, 
had  extended  his  dominion  by  force  of  arms  over  the 
rich  province  of  Quito,  far  to  the  north.  He  had 
taken  as  one  of  his  concubines  the  daughter  of  the 
conquered  monarch  of  Quito  and  by  her  had  a  son 
named  Atahualpa.* 

The  son  of  the  monarch  by  his  sister,  his  only  legal 

*  Generally  speaking,  the  Peruvians  were  monogamous,  except  in  case  of  the  Inca, 
who  had  as  many  wives  as  he  wished,  and  who  sometimes  rewarded  exceptional  services 
by  allowing  some  favored  adherent  an  extra  wife. 


72  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

wife,  or  Coya  —  the  irrevocable  Peruvian  method  of 
providing  for  the  Inca  succession  —  was  named  Huas- 
car.  Huayna  on  his  deathbed,  after  a  glorious  reign 
of  forty  years,  made  the  fatal  mistake  of  dividing  his 
dominion  between  Huascar,  to  whom  was  given 
ancient  Peru,  and  Atahualpa,  who  took  Quito  to  the 
north.  World-history,  of  which  Huayna  could  have 
/  known  nothing,  has  shown  conclusively  enough  that 
such  a  policy  has  always  brought  about  civil  war,  and 
this  startling  reversal  of  Peruvian  custom  by  a  doting 
monarch  on  his  deathbed  produced  the  usual 
results. 

The  armies  of  Atahualpa,  led  by  two  famous  soldiers 
called  Quiz-Quiz  and  Chalcuchima,  had  met  and 
defeated  the  troops  of  Huascar  in  a  series  of  bloody 
battles.  They  had  taken  that  unhappy  monarch 
prisoner  and,  by  a  series  of  terrible  massacres  instigated 
by  Atahualpa,  had  striven  with  large  success  to  cut 
off  the  family  of  the  unfortunate  Inca  root  and  branches. 
The  land  had  been  devastated  by  the  fierceness  of  the 
internecine  conflict,  towns  had  been  carried  by  storm, 
the  inhabitants  put  to  the  sword;  the  ordinary  course 
of  events  had  been  interrupted  and  agriculture  had 
languished;  the  empire  lay  gasping  under  the  paw  of 
the  Peruvian  usurper  when  Pizarro  landed  upon  the 
shore.  The  strife  that  was  to  ensue  was  between  two 
base-born,  cruel-hearted  soldiers  of  fortune,  one  at 
the  head  of  a  little  body  of  white  men,  but  with  all  the 
prestige  of  their  color  and  development  in  warfare, 
and  weapons,  the  other,  the  now  undisputed  monarch 
of  a  vast  if  prostrate  and  exhausted  empire,  at  the 
head  of  great  armies  flushed  with  victory  and  eager 
for  new  conquests. 

What  would  the  result  of  the  struggle  be  ? 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  73 


IV.     The    Treacherous    and    Bloody    Massacre    of 

Caxamarca. 

Having  marched  some  thirty  miles  south  of  Tumbezin 
the  pleasant  spring  weather,  Pizarro,  finding  what  he 
conceived  to  be  a  favorable  location  for  a  permanent 
colony,  encamped  his  army,  laid  out  and  began  to  build 
a  city,  which  he  called  San  Miguel.  The  Spaniards  were 
great  builders  and  the  city  was  planned  and  fortified  on 
an  extensive  scale  and  the  more  important  buildings 
erected,  so  that  it  was  not  until  September  that  Pizarro 
considered  his  base  of  supplies  had  been  made  secure. 

Meanwhile  he  had  been  assiduously  seeking  inform- 
ation on  every  hand  concerning  the  internal  dissensions 
in  the  Peruvian  empire,  so  that  he  could  undertake 
his  conquest  intelligently.  On  the  24th  of  September, 
1532,  the  valiant  little  army  was  mustered  and,  after 
deducting  a  small  garrison  for  San  Miguel,  those 
appointed  for  the  expedition  were  found  to  include 
sixty-seven  horsemen,  three  arquebusiers,  twenty  cross- 
bowmen  and  eighty-seven  footmen,  in  all  one  hundred 
and  seventy-seven.* 

They  were  accompanied  by  two  pieces  of  small 
artillery  called  falconets,  each  having  a  bore  of  two 
inches  and  carrying  a  shot  weighing  about  a  pound 
and  a  half,  being,  with  the  three  arquebusiers,  General 
De  Candia's  command.  With  this  insignificant  force, 
augmented,  I  suppose,  by  some  Indian^ captives  acting 
as  pack-mules,  Pizarro  started  out  to  conquer  an  empire 
conservatively  estimated  to  contain  from  ten  to  twelve 
millions  of  people,  supporting  an  army  of  disciplined 

*  The  exact  number  varies  with  different  authorities,  none  of  whom,  however, 
makes  the  total  greater  than  two  hundred. 


74  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

soldiers  whose  numbers  ran  into  the  hundreds  of 
thousands. 

The  Spanish  forces  were  well  equipped  and  in  good 
condition,  but  as  they  left  the  sea-shore  and  advanced, 
without  molestation,  to  be  sjLire,  through^the. populous 
country*  some  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  their  self- 
appointed  tasJc  permeated  the  minds  of  the  common 
soldiery,  and  evidences  o{  hesitation,,  reluctance  and 
dissension  speedily  appeared.  The  unwillingness 
of  the  men  grew  until  Pizarro  was  forced  to  take  notice 
of  it.  Halting  on  the  fifth  day  in  a  pleasant  valley, 
he  met  the  emergency  in  his  usual  characteristic  fashion. 
Parading  the  men,  he  addressed  to  them  another  of  those 
fiery  speeches  for  which  he  was  famous,  and  the  quality 
of  which,  from  so  illiterate  a  man,  is  amazingly  high. 

He  painted  anew  the  dangers  before  them,  and  then 
adroitly  lightened  the  shadows  of  his  picture  by  point- 
ing to  the  rewards.  He  appealed  to  all  that  was  best 
in  humanity  by  saying  that  he  wanted  none  but  the 
bravest  to  go  forward.* 

He  closed  his  address  by  offering  to  allow  all  who 
wished  to  do  so  to  return  to  San  Miguel,  whose  feeble 
garrison,  he  said,  he  should  be  glad  to  have  reenforced. 
And,  with  a  subtler  stroke  of  policy,  he  promised  that 
those  who  went  back  should  share  in  the  rewards 
gained  by  their  more  constant  brethren.  But  four 
infantrymen  and  five  horsemen  shamefacedly  availed 
themselves  of  this  permission.  The  rest  enthusiastic- 
ally clamored  to  be  led  forward.  Both  mutiny  and 
timidity  were  silenced  forever  in  that  band. 

*  Napoleon  at  Toulon  succeeded  in  getting  volunteers  to  man  a  particularly  dan- 
gerous artillery  outpost  swept  by  the  guns  of  the  enemy,  by  the  simple  expedient  of 
denominating  the  position  as  the  "Battery  of  the  Fearless,"  or  the  "Battery  of  those 
who  are  not  afraid."  Even  better  than  Pizarro,  tbis  great  Corsican  soldier  of  fortune 
knew  how  to  handle  his  men. 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  75 

On  a  similar  occasion,  Cortes  had  burnt  his  ships. 
It  is  hard  to  decide  which  was  the  better  expedient. 
Certainly  Cortes  was  incomparably  a  much  abler 
man  than  Pizarro,  but  somehow  Pizarro  managed  to 
rise  to  the  successive  emergencies  which  confronted 
him,  just  the  same. 

Greatly  refreshed  in  spirits,  the  army,  purged  of 
the  malcontents,  proceeded  cautiously  on  its  way  south. 
They  were  much  elated  from  time  to  time  at  receiving 
envoys  from  Atahualpa,  who  coupled  a  superstitious 
reverence  for  the  invaders  as  Children  of  the  Sun  with 
demands  as  to  their  purposes,  and  a  request  that  they 
halt  and  wait  the  pleasure  of  the  Inca.  Pizarro  dis- 
sembled his  intentions  and  received  them  with  fair 
words,  but  refusing  to  halt,  kept  steadily  on,  announcing 
his  intention  of  visiting  Atahualpa  wherever  he  might 
be  found. 

Pursuing  their  journey,  the  Spaniards  came  early 
in  November  to  the  foot  of  the  mountains.  To  the 
right  of  them,  that  is  toward  the  south,  extended  a 
great  well-paved  road  which  led  to  the  imperial  capital 
of  Cuzco.  In  front  of  them,  a  narrow  path  rose  over 
the  mountains.  One  was  easy,  the  other  hard.  In 
spite  of  suggestions  from  his  soldiery,  Pizarro  chose 
the  hard  way.  He  had  announced  his  intention  of 
visiting  the  Inca,  and  visit  him  he  would  although 
the  way  to  the  city  of  Cuzco  was  open  and  the  place 
might  easily  be  taken  possession  of.  The  seat  of 
danger  and  the  source  of  power  were  alike  with  the 
Inca,  and  not  in  Cuzco. 

With  sixty  foot  and  forty  horse,  this  old  man,  now 
past  sixty  years,  led  the  way  over  the  mountains,  while 
his  brother  brought  up  the  rear  with  the  remainder. 
The  passage  was  a  terrible  one,  but  the  indomitable 


76  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

band,  catching  some  of  the  spirit  of  their  leader,  sur- 
mounted all  the  obstacles,  and  a  few  days  after  from 
the  summits  of  a  mighty  range,  surveyed  the  fertile, 
beautiful  plains  spread  out  before  them  on  the  farther 
side  of  the  mountain.  Close  at  hand  was  the  white- 
walled  city,  Caxamarca  or  Cajamarca,  embowered 
in  verdure  in  a  fruitful  valley.  The  place  was  an 
important  position,  well  fortified  and  containing, 
under  ordinary  circumstances,  a  population  of  ten 
thousand.  The  reader  should  remember  the  name, 
for  it  was  the  scene  of  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
and  determinative  events  in  history.  The  conquest, 
in  fact,  was  settled  there. 

Beyond  the  city,  on  the  slopes  of  the  hills,  and 
divided  from  it  by  a  river,  over  which  a  causeway 
led,  stood  the  white  tents  of  the  fifty  thousand  soldiers 
of  Atahualpa's  army.  The  number  of  them  filled  the 
Spaniards  with  amazement,  and  in  some  cases  with 
apprehension.  There  was  no  going  back  then,  how- 
ever; there  was  nothing  to  do  but  advance.  At  the 
hour  when  the  bells  of  Holy  Church  in  their  home 
land  were  ringing  vespers,  in  a  cold  driving  rain  mingled 
with  sleet,  the  little  cortege  entered  the  city,  which  they 
found  as  the  French  found  Moscow,  deserted  of  its 
inhabitants.  With  the  ready  instinct  of  a  soldier, 
Pizarro  led  his  force  to  the  public  square,  or  Plaza, 
which  was  in  the  shape  of  a  rude  triangle  surrounded 
on  two  sides  by  well-built,  two-story  houses  of  stone. 
On  the  other  side,  or  base,  rose  a  huge  fortress  with  a 
tower  overlooking  the  city  on  one  hand  and  the  Inca's 
camp  on  the  other. 

Without  hesitation,  the  weary  Spaniards  made  them- 
selves at  home  in  the  vacant  buildings  around  the 
square;   guards  were  posted  in  order  that  the  strictest 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  77 

watch  might  be  kept,  and  other  preparations  made 
for  defence.  Here  they  prepared  for  the  repose  of 
the  night.  Meanwhile  Hernando  de  Soto  with  twenty 
horse  was  sent  as  an  ambassador  to  Atahualpa's 
camp.  He  had  been  gone  but  a  short  time  when 
Pizarro,  at  the  suggestion  of  his  brother  Hernando, 
who  made  the  point  that  twenty  horsemen  were  not 
sufficient  for  defense  and  too  many  to  lose,  despatched 
the  latter  with  twenty  more  cavalrymen  to  reenforce 
the  first  party. 

The  two  cavaliers  and  their  escort  found  the  Inca 
in  the  midst  of  his  camp.  The  monarch  was  seated 
and  surrounded  by  a  brilliant  assemblage  of  nobles 
in  magnificent  vestments.  He  was  guarded  by  a  great 
army  of  soldiers  armed  with  war-clubs,  swords  and 
spears  of  tempered  copper,  and  bows  and  slings.  He 
received  the  deputation  with  the  impassivity  of  a  stone 
image,  vouchsafing  no  answer  to  their  respectful 
address  until  it  had  been  several  times  repeated.  At 
last  he  declared  he  would  visit  the  strangers  on  the 
morrow,  and  directed  them  to  occupy  the  buildings 
in  the  public  square,  and  none  other  until  he  came 
to  make  arrangements.  His  demeanor  was  cold 
and  forbidding  to  the  last  degree.  The  results 
of  the  embassy  were  highly  unsatisfactory.  One 
incident  connected  with  the  interview  is  worthy  of 
mention. 

De  Soto,  who  was  a  most  accomplished  cavalier, 
a  perfect  centaur  in  fact,  noticing  the  amazed  and 
somewhat  alarmed  glances  of  the  Inca's  men  at  the 
movements  of  his  restless  horse,  suddenly  determined 
to  exhibit  his  skill  at  the  manege.  Striking  spurs 
to  his  charger,  he  caused  him  to  curvet  and  prance 
in  the  open  before  the  Inca,  showing  at  the  same  time 


78  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

his  own  horsemanship  and  the  fiery  impetuosity  of 
the  high-spirited  animal,  He  concluded  this  per- 
formance —  shall  I  say  circus  ?  —  by  dashing  at  full 
speed  toward  the  Inca,  reining  in  his  steed  with  the 
utmost  dexterity  a  few  feet  from  the  royal  person. 
What  the  Inca  thought  of  this  has  not  been  recorded. 
I  imagine  he  must  have  been  terribly  affronted.  Some 
of  his  nobles  and  soldiers,  less  able  to  preserve  their 
iron  composure  than  their  master,  shrank  back  from 
the  onrushing  avalanche  of  steed  and  steel  presented 
by  De  Soto  and  his  horse.  The  Spaniards  found  their 
dead  bodies  the  next  day.  It  did  not  do  to  show 
cowardice  in  the  presence  of  the  Inca!  They  had 
been  summarily  executed  by  Atahualpa's  order.  Yet, 
I  cannot  think  the  Inca  a  man  of  surpassing  bravery 
after  all.  Certainly  he  was  not  a  man  of  sufficient 
ability  worthily  to  hold  the  scepter  of  so  great  an 
empire.  He  made  a  frightful  mistake  in  not  stopping 
the  invaders  where  it  would  have  been  easy  for  him 
to  do  so,  in  the  narrow  defiles  of  the  mountains,  and  he 
did  not  even  yet  seem  to  have  decided  in  his  own 
mind  how  he  should  treat  them.  To  be  sure,  accord- 
ing to  some  accounts,  he  looked  upon  them  as  belonging 
to  the  immortal  gods,  but  there  have  been  men  brave 
enough  in  the  defence  of  land  and  liberty  to  defy  even 
the  immortal  gods!  A  vast  deal  of  sympathy,  indeed, 
has  been  wasted  upon  Atahualpa.  Without  doubt 
the  Spaniards  treated  him  abominably,  and  for  that 
treatment  the  wretched  monarch  has"  claims  to  our 
consideration,  but  for  his  personal  qualities  or  his 
past  record,  none.  Helps  explains  his  name  as  derived 
from  two  words  meaning,  "sweet  valor!"  Mark- 
ham  affirms  that  the  words  mean  "A  chance,  or  lucky, 
game-cock !"     Neither  appellation,   in   view  of   Ata- 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  79 

hualpa's  history  can  be  considered  as  especially  apt 
or  happy. 

Much  dissatisfied  and  thoroughly  perturbed,  De 
Soto  and  Hernando  Pizarro  returned  to  the  city.  Long 
and  serious  were  the  deliberations  of  the  leaders  that 
night.  At  length  they  arrived  at  a  momentous  decision, 
one  for  which  they  have  been  severely  and  justly 
censured,  but  which  under  the  circumstances  was  the 
only  possible  decision  which  insured  their  safety. 
They  had  no  business  in  that  country.  They  had 
come  there  with  the  deliberate  intention  of  looting  it 
without  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
in  that  purpose  lay  the  seeds  of  all  their  subsequent 
crimes,  treachery,  murder,  outrage  and  all  other 
abominations  whatsoever.  No  surprise  need  be  felt 
therefore,  that  they  determined  upon  the  seizure  of 
the  person  of  the  Inca.  The  example  of  Cortes  with 
Montezuma  was  before  them.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
his  amazing  exploits  in  Mexico  had  been  talked  over 
frequently  by  every  camp-fire  in  the  New  and  the 
Old  World,  and  many  bold  spirits  had  longed  for  an 
opportunity  to  emulate  his  doings.  The  Spaniards 
in  Peru  had  already  learned  enough  of  the  local  con- 
ditions to  realize  that  with  the  person  of  the  Inca  they 
could  control  the  government.  To  seize  him  was 
black  treachery,  of  course;  but  being  there,  it  was 
the  only  thing  to  do,  from  their  point  of  view.  The 
night  was  an  anxious  one  and  the  morning  found  them 
engaged  in  preparations.  De  Candia  was  posted 
with  two  small  falconets  and  three  arquebusiers  on 
the  roof  of  the  fortress.  His  guns  pointed  toward 
the  Inca's  camp,  though  he  had  instructions  to  turn 
them  on  the  square  as  soon  as  the  Peruvians  arrived. 
De   Soto   and   Hernando   Pizarro   divided    the   horse 


80  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

between  them  and  occupied  the  houses  on  the  other 
side  of  the  square  with  them.  The  infantry  were 
distributed  at  various  points  of  vantage.  Pizarro 
reserved  twenty  of  the  trustiest  blades  for  his  own 
escort.  The  arms  of  the  men  were  carefully  looked  to, 
and  nothing  that  the  skill  or  experience  of  the  captains 
could  suggest  was  left  undone  to  promote  the  success 
of  their  hazardous  and  bold  undertaking. 

Mass  was  said  with  great  solemnity  by  the  priest 
of  the  expedition,  Fra  Vincente  de  Valverde,  an  iron- 
souled,  fierce-hearted  Dominican,  meet  ecclesiastic 
for  such  a  band.  Refreshments  were  then  provided 
liberally  for  the  soldiers  —  it  is  not  so  stated,  but  it 
may  be  presumed  that  some  of  them  were  in  liquid 
shape  —  and  then  the  whole  party  settled  down  to 
await  developments.  Nothing  seemed  to  be  going 
on  in  the  Peruvian  camp  during  the  morning.  The 
Inca  moved  toward  the  city  in  the  afternoon,  but 
stopped  just  outside  the  walls,  to  the  great  annoyance 
of  the  Spaniards,  who  had  found  the  long  wait  a  trying 
experience  indeed.  Late  in  the  afternoon.  Pizarro 
received  a  message  that  Atahualpa  had  changed  his 
mind  and  would  not  visit  him  until  the  following  day. 
This  did  not  suit  his  plans  at  all.  He  instantly  returned 
an  answer  to  the  Inca,  begging  him  not  to  defer  his 
visit,  saying  that  he  had  provided  everything  for  his 
entertainment  —  which  was  quite  true  although  in 
a  very  different  sense  from  that  conveyed  by  the  words 
of  his  messenger  —  and  requesting  Atahualpa  to 
arrange  to  sup  with  him  without  fail  that  night.  Pizarro 
had  previously  assured  the  Inca  that  he  would  receive 
him  as  a  "friend  and  brother"!  What  reasons  actu^ 
ated  the  Inca  we  have  no  means  of  ascertaining.  Suffice 
it  to  say  that  he  changed  his  mind  and  came. 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  81 

A  short  time  after  sunset,  therefore,  the  Inca,  attended 
by  a  numerous  retinue,  entered  the  square.  Ata- 
hualpa  was  borne  aloft  on  a  throne  made  of  massive 
gold,  supported  on  the  shoulders  of  his  attendants. 
He  was  dressed  with  barbaric  magnificence  in  robes' 
of  exquisite  texture,  heavily  embroidered  and  orna- 
mented with  gold  and  silver.  Around  his  neck  blazed 
a  necklace  of  emeralds  of  wonderful  size  and  great 
brilliancy.  His  forehead  was  hidden  by  a  thick 
vivid  scarlet  fringe  depending  from  a  diadem  almost 
to  the  eyebrows.  This  tassel  (or  borla,  as  the  Span- 
iards called  it;  llauta>  according  to  the  Peruvians) 
was  the  supreme  mark  of  the  imperial  dignity  in  that 
no  one  but  the  Inca  could  wear  it.  The  Inca  was 
surrounded  by  a  gorgeously  attired  body  of  retainers 
who  were  preceded  by  hundreds  of  menials  who  cleared 
the  streets  of  every  obstacle  which  might  impede  the 
progress  of  their  master,  the  Son  of  the  Sun.  The 
processions  divided  at  the  square,  and  the  monarch  was 
carried  forward  in  the  open.  Not  a  Spaniard  save 
the  watchful  sentries  pacing  the  fort  above,  was  to 
be  seen. 

"  Where,"  asked  Atahualpa, looking  about  in  surprise, 
"  are  the  strangers  ? " 

At  this  moment,  at  the  request  of  Pizarro,  Father 
Valverde  came  forward  in  his  canonicals,  crucifix  in 
one  hand,  breviary  or  Bible  in  the  other.*  He  was 
attended  by  one  of  the  Peruvians  whom  Pizarro  had 
taken  back  to  Spain,  who  was  to  act  as  interpreter. 
This  precocious  little  rascal,  named  Felippo,  was  the 
best  interpreter  that  could  be  found,  which  is  saying 
little,  for  his  Spanish  was  bad  and  mainly  picked  up 
in  the  camps  from  the  rude  soldiery,  and  his  Peruvian 

*  Authorities  differ  as  to  which  it  was.    The  matter  is  not  material,  anyway. 


cK" 


82  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

was  only  an  uncouth  dialect  of  the  highly  inflected 
and  most  flexible  and  expressive  Quichua,  the  language 
of  the  educated,  indeed  of  the  most  of  the  people. 
Approaching  the  litter  of  the  Inca,  Valverde  delivered 
an  extraordinary  address.  He  briefly  explained  the 
doctrines* of  the  Christian  religion  to  the  astonished 
Peruvian,  requiring  him  to  conform  to  this  religion 
and  acknowledge  the  spiritual  supremacy  of  the  Pope, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  submit  to  the  sway  of  his 
Imperial  Majesty  Charles  V.  It  was  a  pretty  heavy 
demand  to  spring  upon  a  great  monarch  in  the  midst 
of  his  people,  and  it  was  not  to  be  wondered  at  that 
Atahualpa   rejected    these    requests    with     contempt. 

The  Inca  answered  the  friar  not  without  shrewd- 
ness. He  had  gathered  the  idea  from  Felippo's  vile 
mistranslation  that  the  Christians  worshipped  four 
Gods,  i.  e.  the  Trinity  and  the  Pope.  He  declared 
that  he  himself  worshipped  one,  and  there  was  its 
sign  and  symbol  —  pointing  to  the  declining  sun; 
that  he  believed  one  God  was  better  than  four.  He 
rejected  indignantly  the  idea  that  he,  "The  Lord  of 
the  Four  Quarters  of  the  Earth,"  owed  allegiance  to 
any  Charles  V.  or  any  other  earthly  monarch,  of  whom 
he  had  never  heard  and  who  had  assuredly  never  heard 
of  him  either. 

Valverde  had  referred  to  the  book  in  his  hand  as 
he  had  spoken  and  Atahualpa  now  asked  to  see  it. 
The  volume  was  a  clasped  one  and  he  found  it  difficult 
to  open.  Valverde,  probably  thinking  he  could  show 
him  to  unclasp  the  volume,  stepped  nearer  to  him. 
The  Inca  repulsed  him  with  disdain.  Wrenching 
open  the  covers  he  glanced  rapidly  at  the  book, 
and  perhaps  suddenly  realizing  the  full  sense  of  the 
insult  which  had  been  offered  to  him  in  the  demands 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  83 

of  the  dogmatic  and  domineering  Dominican,  he  threw 
the  sacred  volume  to  the  ground  in  a  violent  rage. 

"Tell  your  companions,"  he  said,  "that  they  shall 
give  me  an  account  of  their  doings  in  my  land.  I 
will  not  go  hence  until  they  have  made  me  full  satis- 
faction   for    all    the    wrongs    they   have    committed!" 

Then  he  turned  and  spoke  to  his  people  —  the  last 
word  he  was  ever  to  address  them  as  a  free  monarch 
from  his  throne.  There  was  a  loud  murmur  from  the 
crowd. 

Thereupon,  according  to  some  accounts,  Valverde 
picked  up  the  book  through  which  Atahualpa  had 
offered  such  a  deadly  insult  to  his  religion  and  rushed 
back  to  Pizarro,  exclaiming,  "Do  you  not  see  that 
while  we  stand  here  wasting  our  breath  in  talking 
with  this  dog,  full  of  pride  as  he  is,  the  fields  are  filling 
with  Indians?  Set  on  at  once!  I  absolve  you  for 
whatever  you  do!"  '  I  would  fain  do  no  man  an  injus- 
tice. Therefore,  I  also  set  down  what  other  authorities 
say,  namely,  that  Valverde  simply  told  Pizarro  what 
had  occurred. 

There  is  no  dispute,  however,  as  to  what  happened 
immediately.  Pizarro  stepped  out  from  the  doorway, 
and  drawing  a  white  scarf  from  his  shoulders,  threw 
it  into  the  air.  Instantly  a  shot  roared  from  the  fort 
above  his  head.  The  famous  war-cry  of  the  Spaniards, 
"St.  Jago,  and  at  them!"  rang  over  every  quarter  of 
the  square  into  which,  with  bared  swords,  couched 
lances  and  drawn  bows,  poured  the  mail-clad  soldiery 
horse  and  foot. 

They  burst  upon  the  astonished  ranks  of  the  unarmed 
Indians  with  the  suddenness  and  swiftness  of  a  tor- 
nado. From  the  roof  above,  the  gunners  discharged 
their  bullets  into  the  swaying,  seething  mass.     With 


84  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

their  wands  of  office,  with  their  naked  hands,  with 
whatever  they  could  seize,  the  Peruvians  defended 
themselves.  They  rallied  around  the  person  of  the 
Inca,  freely  offering  their  breasts  to  the  Spanish  blades 
with  the  vain  attempt  to  protect  their  monarch. 

Atahualpa  sat  upon  his  reeling  throne  gazing  upon 
the  bloody  scene  in  a  daze  of  surprise.  Pizarro  and 
the  twenty  chosen  cut  their  way  to  the  litter  and, 
striking  down  the  helpless  bearers  thereof,  precipitated 
the  Inca  to  the  ground.  The  Spaniards  were  mad 
with  carnage  now,  and  were  striking  indiscriminately 
at  any  Indian.  Then  could  be  heard  Pizarro's  stern 
voice  ringing  above  the  melee,  "Let  no  man  who 
values  his  life  strike  at  the  Inca!"  Such  was  the 
fierceness  of  his  soldiery,  however,  that  in  his  frenzied 
attempt  to  protect  the  monarch,  Pizarro  was  wounded 
in  one  of  his  hands  by  his  own  men.  As  the  Inca 
fell,  he  had  been  caught  by  Pizarro  and  supported, 
although  a  soldier  named  Estete  snatched  the  imperial 
llauta  from  his  head  as  he  fell. 

With  the  capture  of  the  Inca,  what  little  futile  resis- 
tance the  unarmed  host  had  been  able  to  make  ceased. 
The  Indians,  relentlessly  pursued  by  their  bloody  con- 
querors, fled  in  every  direction,  and,  to  anticipate 
events,  the  army  deprived  of  its  monarch  and  its 
generals,  dispersed  the  next  day  without  striking  a 
blow.  Indeed  the  army  was  helpless  for  offence  while 
r         the  Spaniards  held  the  Inca  as  a  hostage. 

The  estimates  of  the  numbers  slain  in  one  half-hour's 
fighting  in  the  square  of  Caxamarca  vary  from  two  to 
ten  thousand.  Whatever  the  number,  it  was  great 
and  horrible  enough.  An  unparalleled  act  of  treachery 
had  been  consummated,  and  Peru,  in  the  space  of 
thirty  minutes  had  been  conquered  and  Pizarro  held 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  85 

it  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand.  Not  a  Spaniard  had  been 
wounded  except  Pizarro  himself,  and  his  wound  had 
been  received  from  his  own  men  while  he  tried  to  pro- 
tect Atahualpa  from  the  Spaniards'  fury. 

V.     The  Ransom  and  Murder  of  the  Inca 

Pizarro  treated  the  Inca  well  enough,  although  he 
held  him  in  rigorous  captivity.  Nobody  else  in  Peru 
seemed  to  know  what  to  do  under  the  circumstances, 
and  the  Spaniards  soon  lost  all  apprehension  of  resist- 
tance.  Quiz-Quiz  and  Chalcuchima  still  held  Huascar 
a  captive  at  Xuaca,  a  fortress  between  Caxamarca 
and  Cuzco.  Atahualpa,  realizing  how  important  such 
a  man  would  be  to  the  Spaniards,  sent  orders  that  he 
be  put  to  death  and  the  unfortunate  deposed  Inca  was 
therefore  executed  by  the  two  generals.  Although 
he  was  captive,  Atahualpa's  orders  were  as  implicitly 
obeyed  as  if  he  had  been  free.  He  was  still  the  Inca, 
if  only  by  the  right  of  sword,  and  the  forces  of  his 
generals  were  sufficiently  great  to  render  it  impossible 
for  the  son  of  Huascar,  named  Manco  Capac,  who 
had  escaped  the  massacre  of  his  kinfolk  and  who  was 
the  legitimate  heir  to  the  throne,  to  claim  the  crown, 
j^zarro,  with  a  fine  show  of  rectitude,  affected  to  be 
horrified  by  this  evidence  of  brutal  cruelty,  and  although 
Atahualpa  claimed  no  connection  with  the  assassina- 
tion of  Huascar,  it  was  impossible  to  acquit  him  of  it. 
Greatly  desiring  his  freedom,  Atahualpa,  who  had 
observed  the  Spanish  greed  for  gold,  made  an  extra- 
ordinary proposition  to  Pizarro.  They  were  together 
in  a  room  twenty-two  feet  long  by  seventeen  feet  broad. 
Standing  on  his  tiptoes  and  reaching  as  high  as  he 
could,  probably  about  eight  feet,  for  he  was  a  tall  man, 


86  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Atahualpa  offered  to  fill  the  room  with  gold  to  the  height 
he  had  touched,  if,  when  he  had  completed  his  under- 
taking, Pizarro  would  release  him. 

Pizarro  jumped  at  the  offer,  and  well  he  might  for 
no  such  proposition  had  ever  before  been  offered  in 
the  history  of  the  world.  The  cubic  contents  enclosed 
by  the  figures  mentioned  are  three  thousand  three 
hundred  and  sixty-six  feet,  or  in  round  numbers, 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five  cubic  yards.  Such  a 
treasure  was  even  beyond  the  most  delirious  dreams 
of  the  conquerors.* 

As  soon  as  these  astonishing  terms  had  been  formally 
accepted  in  writing  by  Pizarro,  the  Inca  sent  orders 
to  all  parts  of  his  dominion  for  the  people  to  bring  in 
their  treasures.  He  also  directed  the  royal  palaces 
and  temples  to  be  stripped,  and  his  orders  were  obeyed. 
He  had  stipulated  that  he  be  allowed  two  months  in 
which  to  raise  the  ransom  and  day  after  day  a  stream 
of  Indians  poured  into  the  city  loaded  with  treasure 
which  dazzled  the  eyes  of  the  astonished  and  delighted 
conquerors.  Atahualpa  had  stipulated  also  that  the 
gold  was  not  to  be  smelted  —  that  is,  he  would  not 
be  required  to  fill  the  spaces  solidly  with  ingots,  but 
that  it  should  be  put  into  the  room  just  as  it  was  brought 
in  and  allowed  to  take  up  as  much  space  as  was  required, 
even  though  it  might  be  in  the  shape  of  a  manufactured 
article. 


*  The  ransom  of  King  John  II.  of  France,  taken  prisoner  by  the  Black  Prince,  was 
three  million  golden  crowns.  The  value  of  the  ancient  ecu  de  la  couronne  varied  between 
$1.50  and  $2.30,  so  that  the  ransom  of  John  was  between  four  and  one-half  and  seven 
million  dollars.  Estimating  the  purchasing  power  of  money  in  John's  time  at  two 
and  one-half  times  that  of  the  present,  we  arrive  at  a  ransom  of  between  eleven  and 
eighteen  million  dollars.  If  we  split  the  difference  and  call  the  ransom  fourteen  and 
a  half  millions,  we  still  find  that  the  Christian  monarch  was  slightly  undervalued  as 
compared  with  his  heathen  fellow  in  misery.  However,  all  this  is  profitless,  because 
the  ransom  of  John  was  never  paid. 


"They  Burst  Upon  the  Ranks  of  the  Unarmed  Indians 


"The  Three  Pizarros  .  .  .  Sallied  Out  to  Meet  Them 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  87 

Some  of  the  gold  was  in  the  shape  of  ingenious  plants 
and  animals,  one  especially  beautiful  object  being 
the  corn  plant  with  blades  of  gold  and  tassels  of  silver. 
Pizarro,  to  his  credit,  ordered  that  some  of  these  speci- 
mens of  exquisite  workmanship  should  be  preserved 
intact.  Much  of  the  treasure  was  in  the  shape  of 
plates  or  tiles,  from  the  interior  of  the  temples  or 
palaces  which  did  not  take  up  much  space.  The 
great  temple  of  the  Sun  at  Cuzco  had  a  heavy  out- 
side cornice,  or  moulding,  of  pure  gold.  It  was  stripped 
of  this  dazzling  ornament  to  satisfy  the  rapacity  of  the 
conquerors.  There  was  also  a  vast  quantity  of  silver 
which  was  stored  in  other  chambers.  Silver  hardly 
counted  in  view  of  the  deluge  of  the  more  precious 
metal. 

Atahualpa  did  not  quite  succeed  in  filling  the  space, 
but  he  came  so  near  it  that  Pizarro,  in  a  formal  agree- 
ment executed  before  a  notary,  declared  that  the  Inca 
had  paid  his  ransom  and  that  he  was  released  from 
any  further  obligation  concerning  it.  That  is  the  only 
release,  however,  which  the  unfortunate  Inca  ever  got. 
Obviously,  it  was  dangerous  to  turn  loose  such  a  man. 
Therefore,  in  spite  of  his  legal  quittance,  he  still  was 
held  in  captivity.  The  Spaniards  concluded  finally 
that  the  only  safe  course  was  to  get  rid  of  him. 

The  ransom  amounted  in  our  money  to  over  seven- 
teen million  dollars,  according  to  Prescott;  to  nearly 
eighteen  million  dollars,  according  to  Markham. 
Pizarro's  personal  share  was  seven  hundred  thousand 
dollars;  Hernando  received  three  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  dollars;  De  Soto  two  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand dollars.  Each  horse  soldier  received  nearly  one 
hundred  thousand;  the  principal  foot  soldiers,  fifty 
thousand,  and  the  others  smaller  sums  in  accordance 


88  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

with   their   rank   and    service.     The   precious   metals 

were  so  plentiful  that  for  the  time  being  they  lost 

their   value,   for   men    cheerfully   paid    thousands    of 

dollars  for  a  horse.     Indeed  so  bulky  and  unwieldly 

was  the  treasure  with  which  the  soldiers  were  loaded, 

that  it  is  solemnly  averred  that  creditors  avoided  their 

/      debtors  fearing  lest  the  latter  should  pay  them  what 

/      they  owed   in   further  heaps   of  the   bulky  treasure; 

/         and  it  is  certainly  a  fact  that  even  the  animals  shared 

in  the  opulence  of  the  conquest,  for  the  horses  were 

shod  with  silver.     Silver  was  cheaper  and  easier  to 

get  than  iron. 

While  they  were  revelling  in  the  treasure,  dividing 
the  spoils  and  deliberating  what  was  to  be  done  with 
Atahualpa,  Almagro  arrived  with  his  reinforcements. 
Naturally  he  and  his  men  demanded  a  share  of  the 
booty.  Great  was  their  disgust  and  furious  their 
anger  when  Pizarro  and  the  other  conquerors  refused 
to  give  it  up.  Finally,  the  quarrels  that  ensued  were 
composed  by  presenting  Almagro  and  his  followers 
certain  sums,  large  in  themselves  though  trifling  in 
comparison  with  what  Pizarro' s  men  had  received. 
Almagro's  men  were  also  given  to  understand  that 
they  could  move  on  to  the  southwest  at  some  con- 
venient season  and  conquer  another  empire  and  take 
all  they  could  for  themselves.  Unfortunately  for  them, 
*  */**-  tnere  were  no  more  empires  like  Peru  on  this  or.any 
other  side  of  the  world  left  them  to  conquer. 

Hernando  Pizarro  was  then  dispatched  to  Spain  to 
deliver  the  royal  fifth  to  Charles,  to  give  an  account 
of  the  fortunes  of  the  conquerors  and  to  secure  what 
further  rewards  and  privileges  he  could  for  them. 
Atahualpa  saw  him  leave  with  the  greatest^  regret. 
He  was  a  man  of  fierce,  stern,  implacable  disposition, 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  89 

not  a  lovely  character,  according  to  any  of  the  chroni- 
clers, but  he  seems  to  have  been  fairer,  and  in  his  own 
way  he  had  treated  the  unfortunate  monarch  better, 
than  any  of  the  others,  unless  it  was  De  Soto.  Possibly 
Hernando  might  have  restrained  his  brother  from  the 
last  infamy  he  was  about  to  perpetrate  if  he  had  been 
there.  Certainly  De  Soto  would  have  sought  to  dis- 
suade him.  Pizarro  realized  this  and  got  rid  of  De 
Soto  by  sending  him  away  to  investigate  as  to  the  truth 
of  rumors  that  Atahualpa  was  conspiring  to  obtain 
his  freedom.  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  was  so  con- 
spiring. I  hope  so,  for  if  he  was,  it  was  about  the  only 
manly  thing  that  he  did.  While  De  Soto  was  away, 
at  the  instigation  of  the  soldiers,  Pizarro  with  seeming 
reluctance,  allowed  Atahualpa  to  be  brought  to 
trial.  I  have  no  doubt  that  Pizarro  instigated  the 
soldiers  himself.  He  was  adroit  enough  to  do  it, 
and  he  would  have  no  scruples  whatever  to  deter 
him. 

The  Inca  was  tried  on  twelve  charges,  among  which 
were  included  accusations  that  he  had  usurped  the 
crown,  and  given  its  prerogatives  to  his  friends  (instead 
of  to  the  Spaniards!).  He  was  charged  with  being  an 
idolator,an  adulterer  and  a  polygamist,and  finally  it  was 
urged  that  he  had  endeavored  to  incite  an  insurrection 
against  the  Spaniards.  Such  accusations  came  with 
a  peculiarly  bad  grace  from  the  conquerors.  The 
whole  thing,  charges  and  all,  would  have  been  a  farce 
had  it  not  been  for  the  certain  grim  and  terrible  out- 
come. 

Felippo,  the  Infamous,  was  the  only  interpreter. 
He  had  made  love  to  one  of  the  Inca's  wives,  whom 
the  Spaniards  had  allowed  to  share  his  captivity. 
Atahualpa,   furiously  affronted,  desired  to  have  him 


90  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

put  to  death,  but  Felippo  was  too  important  to  the 
Spaniards,  and  he  was  spared.  How  Atahualpa's 
defense  suffered  from  Felippo's  interpretations  under 
such  circumstances  may  easily  be  imagined.  In  spite 
of  the  courageous  opposition  of  a  few  of  the  self- 
appointed  judges,  the  Inca  was  convicted  and  sentenced 
to  death,  Father  Valverde  concurring,  in  writing, 
with  the  sentence. 

When  the  verdict  of  the  court  was  communicated 
to  Atahualpa,  he  did  not  receive  it  with  any  remarkable 
degree  of  fortitude.  He  is  a  pitiful  rather  than  a 
heroic  figure. 

"What  have  I  done,"  he  cried,  weeping,  "what  have 
my  children  done,  that  I  should  meet  with  such  a  fate  ?" 
Turning  to  Pizarro,  he  added,  "And  from  your  hands, 
too,  who  have  met  with  friendship  and  kindness  from 
my  people,  to  whom  I  have  given  my  treasure,  who 
have  received  nothing  but  benefit  from  my  hands!" 

He  besought  the  conqueror  to  spare  his  life,  prom- 
ising anything,  even  to  double  the  enormous  ransom 
he  had  already  paid,  and  offering  to  guarantee  in  any 
appointed  way  the  safety  of  every  Spaniard  in  the 
army.  Pedro  Pizarro,  a  cousin  of  the  conqueror, 
who  has  left  an  account  of  the  interview,  says  that 
Pizarro  was  greatly  affected  by  the  touching  appeal 
of  the  unfortunate  monarch,  and  that  he  wept  in  turn 
also.  However  that  may  be,  he  refused  to  interfere. 
A  man  may  weep  and  weep,  to  paraphrase  Shakes- 
peare, "and  he  a  villain!"  There  was  no  help  for  it; 
Atahualpa  had  to  die. 

It  was  on  the  29th  of  August,  1533.  The  trial 
and  deliberations  had'  occupied  the  whole  day.  It 
was  two  hours  after  sunset  before  they  were  ready 
to  execute  him  in   the  great  square  of  Caxamarca. 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  91 

The  Spanish  soldiers,  fully  armed,  arranged  themselves 
about  a  huge  stake  which  had  been  planted  in  the 
square.  Back  of  them  were  groups  of  terrified,  awe- 
struck Peruvians,  helplessly  weeping  and  lamenting 
the  fate  of  their  monarch  which  they  were  powerless 
to  prevent.  Flickering  torches  held  by  the  troops 
cast  an  uncertain  light  over  the  tragic  scene.  Ata- 
hualpa  was  led  forth  in  fetters  and  chained  to  the 
stake.  He  showed  little  of  the  firmness  and  fortitude 
of  a  proud  monarch  or  a  brave  man.  How  feebly 
he  appears  when  contrasted  with  the  great  Aztec 
Guatemotzin,  calmly  enduring  the  tortures  of  the 
red-hot  gridiron  and  resolutely  refusing  to  gratify 
either  his  captors'  lust  for  treasure  or  desire  for  revenge 
by  vouchsafing  them  a  single  fact  or  a  single  moan. 

By  Inca's  side  was  Valverde,  who  had  been  assiduous 
in  his  endeavors  to  make  him  a  Christian.  The 
friar  was  ready  to  offer  such  grim  consolation  as  he 
could  to  the  wretched  Peruvian  in  whose  death  sentence 
he  had  concurred.  Atahualpa  had  hitherto  turned  a 
deaf  ear  to  all  his  importunities,  but  at  the  last  moment 
Valverde  told  him  that  if  he  would  consent  to  receive 
baptism,  he  should  be  strangled  instead  of  burnt  to 
death.  Atahualpa  asked  Pizarro  if  this  was  true', 
and  being  assured  that  it  was,  he  abjured  his  religion 
to  avoid  the  agonies  of  fire,  and  was  thereupon  bap- 
tised under  the  name  of  Juan  de  Atahualpa.  The 
name  John  was  given  to  him  because  this  baptism 
in  extremis  took  place  on  St.  John  the  Baptist's  day. 
Rarely,  if  ever,  has  there  been  a  more  ghastly  pro- 
fanation   of   the    Holy    Sacrament    of   Regeneration!* 

Before  he  was  garroted,  Atahualpa  begged  that  his 
remains  might  be  preserved  at  Quito  with  those  of 
his  mother's  people.     Then  he  turned  to  Pizarro  and 


/ 


92  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

made  a  final  request  of  that  iron-hearted  man,  that 
he  would  look  after  and  care  for  the  Inca's  little  chil- 
dren. While  he  was  strangled  and  his  body  was  being 
burnt,  the  terrible  soldiery  could  be  heard  muttering 
the  magnificent  words  of  the  Apostolic  Creed  for  the 
redemption  of  the  soul  of  the  monarch.  Incidentally 
it  may  be  noted  that  a  little  later  the  Spaniards  burnt, 
old  Chalcuchima,  of  whom  they  had  got  possession 
by  treacherous  promises,  at  the  stake.  He  did  not 
embrace  Christianity  at  the  last  moment,  but  died  as 
he  had  lived,  a  soldier  and  a  Peruvian. 

The  character  of  Atahualpa  may  be  learned  from, 
his  career.  He  was  a  cruel,  ruthless  usurper,  neither 
magnanimous  in  victory  nor  resolute  in  defeat.  As  I 
have  said,  it  is  impossible  to  admire  him,  but  no  one 
can  think  of  his  fate  and  the  treacheries  of  which  he 
was  a  victim  without  being  touched  by  his  miseries. 
If  he  sowed  the  wind  he  reaped  the  whirlwind,  and 
bad  as  he  was,  his  conquerors  were  worse. 

Pizarro  placed  the  diadem  on  Toparca,  a  youthful 
brother  of  the  late  Inca.  When  he  was  alone  with 
his  attendants,  the  boy  tore  the  llauta  from  his  fore- 
head, and  trampled  it  under  his  foot,  as  no  longer 
the  badge  of  anything  but  infamy  and  shame,  and  in 
two  short  months  he  pined  and  died  from  the  con- 
sciousness of  his  disgrace.  Whereupon  another  Peru- 
vian, Manco  Capac,  the  legitimate  heir  of  Huascar, 
appeared  before  Pizarro,  made  good  his  claim,  and 
on  the  entry  of  the  conquerors  into  Cuzco,  was  crowned 
Inca  with  all  the  ancient  ceremonies.  He  soon  realized 
that  he  was  but  a  puppet  in  Pizarro' s  hands,  however, 
and  by  and  by  he,  too,  made  a  bold  stroke  for  freedom. 

The  conquest  of  Peru  was  complete.  Charles  V.', 
dazzled  by  the  report  of  Hernando  Pizarro,  and  the 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  93 

substantial  treasures  placed  before  him,  created  Pizarro 
a  Marquis  of  the  country,  confirmed  him  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  country  for  two  hundred  and  seventy 
leagues  south  of  the  Santiago  River  and  gave  Almagro 
authority  to  conquer  everything  beyond  that  limit." 
Almagro  was  very  much  dissatisfied  with  his  share; 
but  concluded,  before  he  made  any  violent  objections-, 
to  go  to  the  south  and  find  an  El  Dorado  for  himself.* 
Meanwhile  Pizarro,  who  was  almost  as  much  of* 
a  builder  as  Rameses  the  Great,  laid  out  the  city  of 
Lima  and  the  Spaniards  flocked  into  Peru  from  Spain 
in  thousands.  The  natives  were  enslaved  and  the 
country  divided  into  great  estates,  and  Almagro  and 
his  discontented  started  for  Chili.  Hernando  Pizarro* 
who  was  appointed  governor  of  Cuzco,  held  young- 
Manco  in  close  confinement,  and  everything  outwardly 
was  as  fine  and  lovely  as  a  summer  day.  There  was 
growing,  however,  a  tremendous  uprising  in  which 
hitherto  somnolent  Fate  was  about  to  lay  her  belated 
hands  upon  nearly  all  the  actors  of  the  great  drama 
which    had    heretofore    been    so    successfully    played. 

VI.     The  Inca  and  the  Peruvians  Strike  Vainly  for 

Freedom 

The  city  of  Cuzco  was,  without  doubt,  the  most 
superb  capital  on  the  American  continent.  Indeed, 
in  many  respects,  it  would  have  compared  favorably 
with,  let  us  say,  Paris  in  the  sixteenth  century,  with  its 
narrow,  crooked,  unpaved  filthy  streets,  its  indifferent 
protections,  and  its  utterly  inadequate  water  and  sewer 
system.  The  streets,  which  were  broad  and  level, 
crossed  each  other  at  regular  intervals  at  right  angles. 
They  were  smoothly  paved  with  large,   carefully  joined' 


94  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

flagstones.  The  houses  in  the  city  were  mainly  built 
of  stone.  The  palace  of  the  Inca,  which  stood  alone 
in  the  great  square,  was  of  marble.  The  temples  and 
buildings  for  public  assemblages,  armories,  granaries, 
storehouses,  etcetera,  were  of  great  size.  The  stonesi 
used  in  their  erection  were  of  such  dimensions  that 
the  Spanish  marvelled  at  the  engineering  genius  which 
could  have  quarried  them  and  put  them  in  place,  just 
as  the  people  of  to-day  are  amazed  at  Baalbec  and  the. 
pyramids.  Stone  conduits  ran  down  each  street, 
bringing  delicious  water  to  each  doorway,  and  the 
city  was  traversed  by  two  mountain  streams  crossed 
by  bridges  cut  by  watergates.  That  the  cold,  clear 
water  might  be  kept  pure  and  sweet,  the  beds  of  the 
rivers  like  those  of  the  Euphrates  at  Babylon,  had 
been  paved. 

The  city  was  surrounded  by  walls  and  dominated 
by  a  great  fortress  called  Sacsahuaman,  which  stood 
upon  a  steep  and  rocky  hill  overlooking  the  capital. 
On  the  side  toward  the  city  the  fortress  was  practically 
impregnable  on  account  of  the.  precipitous  slopes  of 
the  cliffs.  The  other  side  was  defended  by  three 
stone  walls  laid  out  in  zigzag  shape,  with  salient  and 
reentrant  angles  (demi-lunes),  like  an  old-fashioned 
rail  fence,  with  many  doors,  each  closed  by  stone  port- 
cullis, in  each  wall.  Within  the  walls  was  a  citadel 
of  three  tall  towers.  The  whole  constituted  a  most 
formidable  position. 

While  Francisco  Pizarro  was  founding  and  laying 
out  on  a  magnificent  scale  and  with  lavish  generosity 
the  city  of  Lima,  near  the  seaboard,  Hernando  was 
made  governor  of  Cuzco.  Hernando  was,  without 
doubt,  the  most  able  and  most  admirable  of  the  Pizarros, 
although  his  fame  has  been  obscured  by  that  of  his 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  95 

elder  brother.  He  had  been  directed  by  Charles  V  to 
treat  the  Inca  and  the  people  with  kindness,  and,  per- 
haps on  that  account,  he  had  not  exercised  so  rigor- 
ous a  surveillance  over  the  movements  of  young  Manco 
as  his  ordinary  prudence  would  have  dictated.  At 
any  rate,  the  bold  and  youthful  emperor  found  no 
difficulty  in  leaving  his  ancient  capital.  He  repaired 
immediately  to  the  Valley  of  Yucay,  in  the  high  moun- 
tains of  the  northeastward  of  Cuzco.  There  had  been 
brewing  a  vast  conspiracy  against  the  Spaniards  for 
some  time,  and  at  the  summons  of  the  Inca,  thither 
resorted  the  great  chiefs  of  the  Peruvians  with  their 
retainers  and  dependents,  including  their  women  and 
children. 

The  partisans  of  the  two  Inca  half-brothers,  who 
had  not  been  slain,  made  common  cause  with  each 
other.  All  internal  differences  were  forgotten  in  the 
presence  of  the  common  enemy.  They  had  much  to  s^ 
revenge.  Their  treasures  had  been  taken,  their  temples 
polluted,  their  religion  profaned,  their  monarchs  slain, 
their  women  outraged  and  the  people  forced  into  a 
degrading,  exhausting  slavery.  Strange  is  it  to  recog- 
nize that  human  slavery  was  introduced  into  Peru 
by  the  Christians!  ^— -'  ~~ 

It  is  good  to  think  that  the  manhood  of  the  Peru- 
vians was  awakened  at  last.  Manco,  burning  with 
fiery  patriotic  zeal,  summoned  his  great  vassals  and 
subjects  to  his  standard.  "Death  to  the  Spaniards!" 
were  the  watchwords  that  resounded  with  fierce  war- 
cries  among  the  mountains  and  hills.  With  ancient 
ceremonies,  drinking  from  a  common  cup,  they  pledged 
their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor  to 
their  hereditary  chief  in  defense  of  their  altars  and 
their  fires,  their  native  land. 


96  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Early  in  1536  a  vast  army  swept  down  through  the 
mountain  passes  and  made  toward  the  ancient  capital. 
The  three  Pizarros,  Hernando,  Juan  and  Gonzalo, 
put  themselves  at  the  head  of  their  horsemen  and  sallied 
out  to  meet  them.  They  killed  numbers  of  Peruvians, 
but  all  their  valor  could  not  check  the  resistless  force 
of  the  patriotic  army.  The  Spaniards  were  swept 
back  into  the  city,  glad  to-escape  with  their  lives  before 
such  overwhelming  numbers;  indeed,  only  a  timely 
attack  by  a  detachment  in  the  rear  of  the  Peruvians 
saved  them  from  destruction  then  and  there.  Cuzco 
was  at  once  invested.  The  Indians,  with  a  heroism 
which  cannot  be  too  greatly  commended,  endeavored 
to  carry  the  place  by  assault.* 

They  set  fire  to  the  thatched  roofs  of  their  own 
houses,  devoting  their  city  to  flames,  like  the  Russians 
at  Moscow,  to  compass  the  annihilation  of  the  detested 
invaders.  The  wind  favored  them,  and  a  besom  of 
flame  swept  over  the  devoted  town  until  over  one-half 
of  it  was  laid  in  ruins.  There  were  ninety  Spanish 
horse  in  the  city,  probably  as  many  foot,  and  a  thou- 
sand Indian  auxiliaries,  but  they  were  soldiers  of  the 
highest  quality  and  led  by  three  captains  whose  like 
for  daring  and  skill  are  not  often  seen. 

No  one  ever  questioned  the  courage  or  the  military 
ability  of  the  Pizarros  and  certainly  they  exhibited 
both  qualities  in  full  measure  during  the  siege.  Of 
all  the  brothers,  it  is  probable  that  Hernando  was  the 
most  daring  cavalier  as  well  as  the  most  capable  cap- 
tain, although  in  personal  prowess  his  younger  brothers 
were  not  a  whit  behind  him.     Indeed,  Gonzalo  was 

*  Query:  Does  the  reader  not  wish  that  the  Peruvians  had  succeeded  ?  Indeed, 
how  can  the  reader  help  wishing  that  ?  Yet  would  it  have  been  better  for  the,  world 
if  the  Peruvians  had  succeeded  in  expelling  the  Spaniards,  or  would  it  have  been 
worse  ?    These  questions  afford  matter  for  interesting  speculation. 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  97 

reckoned  as  the  best  lance  in  the  New  World.  Stifled 
by  the  smoke,  scorched  by  the  flames,  parched  with 
heat,  choked  with  thirst,  exhausted  with  hunger, 
crazed  from  loss  of  sleep,  yet  battling  with  the  energy 
of  despair  against  overwhelming  numbers  of  Indians, 
who,  with  a  reckless  disregard  f6r  life,  hurled  themselves 
upon  the  sword-points,  the  Spaniards  after  several 
days  of  the  most  terrific  fighting,  were  forced  into  the 
square,  which  they  held  against  their  enemy  by  dint 
of  the  most  heroic  and  continuous  endeavors. 

The  Peruvians  barricaded  the  streets  with  the 
debris  of  their  ruined  houses,  and  sharpened  stakes, 
and  prepared  to  press  home  for  a  final  attack.  Although 
the  slaughter  among  the  Indians  had  been  fearful, 
the  odds  against  the  Spaniards  did  not  appear  dimin- 
ished, for  it  was  learned  afterward  that  there  were 
more  than  one  hundred  thousand  warriors  engaged, 
and,  with  a  host  of  followers  and  servants,  the  total 
aggregated  at  least  eighty  thousand  more.  And, 
indeed,  the  Spaniards  mourned  the  death  of  many  a 
brave  cavalier  and  stout  man-at-arms.  In  all  the 
fighting  the  young  Inca,  in  full  war-gear  of  gold  and 
silver,  mounted  on  a  captured  horse,  with  a  Spanish 
lance  in  his  hand,  had  played  a  hero's  dauntless  part. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  siege  there  had  been  a 
discussion  as  to  whether  they  should  occupy  the  great 
fortress  of  Sacsahuaman,  or  not.  Juan  Pizarro  had 
dissuaded  the  Spanish  from  the  attempt,  for,  he  said: 
"Our  forces  are  too  weak  to  hold  both  places.  The 
city  is  the  most  important,  and  should  it  happen  that 
we  need  the  fortress  we  can  take  it  any  time."  With- 
out opposition  the  Indian  High  Priest  had  occupied 
it  with  a  large  body  of  men. 

It  was  evident,  at  last,  that  the  Spaniards  would 


98  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

either  have  to  retreat  from  their  town  or  seize  the 
fortress,  which,  now  that  they  had  been  driven  from 
the  walls,  commanded  their  position  in  the  square. 
Most  of  the  cavaliers  were  for  retreat.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  horse  could  certainly  have  cut  their 
way  through  the  ranks  of  the  besiegers,  and  have 
escaped,  together  with  most  of  the  foot  as  well. 
N  Hernando  was  quite  as  persistent  as  his  indomitable 

/\  brother   Francisco,    however,    and   he   talked   equally 

as  well  to  the  soldiers.  He  made  them  a  stirring 
address  which  he  closed  by  declaring  that  he  had  been 
sent  there  to  hold  the  town,  and  hold  it  he  would  if  he 
had  to  hold  it  alone;  that  he  would  rather  die  there  in 
the  square  with  the  consciousness  that  he  had  kept  his 
trust  than  abandon  the  place.  Juan  and  Gonzalo 
seconded  his  stirring  appeal.  It  was  resolved  that  the 
fortress  should  be  taken.  Hernando  proposed  to  lead 
the  assault  in  person,  but  Juan  interposed  with  the 
remark  that  he  had  objected  to  its  seizure  in  the  first 
instance,  and  to  him  rightfully  belonged  the  leader- 
ship of  the  forlorn  hope  to  repair  the  error.  Hernando 
consented. 

Juan  and  Gonzalo,  with  their  commands  and  fifty  of 
their  best  horse,  were  detailed  for  the  purpose.  By 
Hernando's  instructions  they  cut  through  the  Indians 
and  galloped  headlong  down  the  road  in  the  direction 
of  Lima.  The  Indians  were  deceived  by  the  seem- 
ing dash  of  the  horsemen  through  the  lines  and,  sup- 
posing them  to  be  in  retreat,  turned  their  attention  to 
the  Spaniards  left  in  the  square.  The  conflict  which 
had  been  intermitted  for  a  space  began  again  with  the 
utmost  fury. 

In  the  midst  of  it,  Juan  Pizarro,  who  had  galloped 
about  a  league  from  the  town  and  then  made  a  long 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  99 

detour,  suddenly  appeared  at  Sacsahuaman.  The 
Spaniards  immediately  rushed  to  the  assault.  This 
diversion  caused  the  Indians,  who  had  been  literally 
forcing  the  Spaniards  in  the  town  up  against  the  wall, 
and  in  the  last  ditch,  as  it  were,  to  give  ground.  There- 
upon the  dauntless  Hernando  charged  upon  them, 
drove  them  out  of  the  square,  and  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing communications  with  Juan  and  Gonzalo  on  the 
hill.  He  directed  Juan  to  hold  his  position  and  make 
no  attack,  but  Juan  thought  he  saw  an  opportunity  to 
gain  the  fortress,  and  at  vespers  the  Spaniards  rushed 
at  the  walls. 

There  were  Indians  not  only  within  but  without  the 
walls,  and  the  fighting  was  soon  of  the  most  sanguinary 
description.  Juan  Pizarro  had  been  wounded  pre- 
viously in  a  skirmish  and  on  account  of  this  wound 
was  unable  to  wear  his  morion.  Hernando  had 
especially  cautioned  him  to  be  careful  on  this  account; 
but  the  impetuous  valor  of  the  Pizarros  was  not  to  be 
restrained  by  considerations  of  any  personal  safety, 
and  Juan  was  in  the  front  rank  of  the  storming  party. 
They  had  cut  their  way  through  to  the  fort  and  were 
battling  for  entrance  when  a  stone  hurled  from  the 
tower  struck  Juan  in  the  head,  knocking  him  sense- 
less. The  wound  was  of  such  a  character  that  two 
weeks  afterward  he  died  of  it  in  great  agony.  He 
was  the  first  to  pay  the  penalty.  History  has  pre- 
served little  concerning  him,  but  some  chroniclers  have 
found  him  the  highest-minded  of  the  brothers  —  pos- 
sibly because  less  is  known  about  him!  At  any  rate, 
he  was  a  valiant  soldiei."      "  ■■* 

Gonzalo  succeeded  to  the  leadership,  and  although 
he  and  his  men  fought  heroically,  they  were  at  last 
forced  back  from  the  fortress  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 


ioo  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

they  had  gained  the  outer  walls.  The  fighting  had 
transferred  itself  from  the  city  to  the  hills,  which  was 
a  sad  tactical  error  on  the  part  of  the  Peruvians,  for 
they  had  force  enough  to  overwhelm  Hernando  and 
his  men  in  the  city,  while  they  held  Juan  and  Gonzalo 
in  play  at  Sacsahuaman,  in  which  case  all  the  Span- 
iards would  eventually  have  fallen  into  their  hands. 

As  night  fell  Hernando  left  the  city  and  came  up  to 
the  hill.  The  Spaniards  busied  themselves  in  making 
scaling-ladders,  and  in  the  morning,  with  the  aid  of  the 
ladders,  the  assault  was  resumed  with  desperate  fury. 
Wall  after  wall  was  carried,  and  finally  the  fighting 
ranged  around  the  citadel.  The  Inca  had  sent  five 
thousand  of  his  best  men  to  reenforce  the  defenders, 
but  the  Spaniards  succeeded  in  preventing  their 
entrance  to  the  fort  which  was  now  in  a  sorry  plight. 
The  ammunition  —  arrows,  spears,  stone,  et  cetera  — 
of  the  garrison  was  almost  spent.  The  Spanish  attack 
was  pressed  as  rigorously  as  at  the  beginning.  The 
High  Priest  —  priests  have  ever  been  among  the  first 
to  incite  people  to  war,  and  among  the  first  to  aban- 
don the  field  of  battle  —  fled  with  a  great  majority  of 
his  followers,  and  escaped  by  subterranean  passages 
from  the  citadel,  leaving  but  a  few  defenders  to  do 
or  die. 

First  among  them  was  a  chief,  whose  name,  unfor- 
tunately, has  not  been  preserved.  He  was  one  of 
those,  however,  who  had  drunk  of  the  cup  and  pledged 
himself  in  the  mountains  of  Yucay.  Driven  from  wall 
to  wall  and  from  tower  to  tower,  he  and  his  followers 
made  a  heroic  defense.  The  Spanish  chroniclers  say 
that  when  this  hero,  whose  exploits  recall  the  half- 
mythical  legends  of  the  early  Roman  Republic,  when 
men  were  as  demi-gods,  saw  one  of  his  men  falter,  he 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros 


10: 


stabbed  him  and  threw  his  body  upon  the  Spaniards. 
At  last  he  stood  alone  upon  the  last  tower.  The 
assailants  offered  him  quarter,  which  he  disdained. 
Shouting  his  war-cry  of  defiance,  he  dashed  his  sole 
remaining  weapon  in  the  faces  of  the  escaladers  and 
then  hurled  himself  bodily  upon  them  to  die  on  their 
sword-points.  Let  him  be  remembered  as  a  soldier, 
a  patriot,  and  a  gentleman. 

The  fortress  was  gained!  Dismayed  by  the  fearful 
loss  that  they  had  sustained,  the  Peruvians,  who  had 
fought  so  valiantly,  if  so  unsuccessfully,  withdrew 
temporarily.  Hernando  Pizarro  was  master  of  the 
situation.  He  employed  the  few  days  of  respite  given 
him  in  gathering  supplies  and  strengthening  his  posi- 
tion. It  was  well  that  he  did  so,  for  in  a  short  time  the 
Peruvians  once  more  appeared  around  the  city,  to 
which  they  laid  a  regular  siege. 

There  was  more  sharp  fighting,  but  nothing  like  the 
Homeric  combats  of  the  first  investment.  The  Peru- 
vians had  risen  all  over  the  land.  Detached  parties 
of  Spaniards  had  been  cut  off  without  mercy.  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro  was  besieged  in  Lima.  Messengers  and 
ships  were  despatched  in  every  direction,  craving 
assistance.  Francisco  did  not  know  what  had  hap- 
pened in  Cuzco,  and  the  brothers  in  that  city  began 
to  despair  of  their  being  extricated  from  their  terrible 
predicament.  Help  came  to  them  from  an  unex- 
pected source. 

We  left  Almagro  marching  toward  Chili.  His  was 
no  lovely  promenade  through  a  pleasant,  smiling,  fer- 
tile, wealthy  land.  He  traversed  vast  deserts  under 
burning  skies.  He  climbed  lofty  mountains  in  freez- 
ing cold  and  found  nothing.  In  despair,  he  turned 
back  to  Peru.     The  limits  assigned  to  Pizarro  were 


102  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

not  clear.  Almagro  claimed  that  the  city  of  Cuzco 
was  within  his  province,  and  determined  to  return 
and  take  it.  On  the  way  his  little  army,  under  the  com- 
mand of  a  very  able  soldier  named  Orgonez,  met  and 
defeated  a  large  army  of  Peruvians.  This,  taken  with 
the  arrival  of  the  harvest  time,  which  must  of  neces- 
sity be  gathered  if  the  people  were  not  to  starve,  caused 
the  subsequent  dissipation  of  the  Peruvian  army.  The 
Inca  maintained  a  fugitive  court  in  the  impregnable 
and  secret  fastnesses  of  the  mountains,  but  the  Peru- 
vians never  gave  any  more  trouble  to  the  Spaniards. 
They  had  spent  themselves  in  this  one  fierce  but  futile 
blow.  I  am  glad  for  the  sake  of  their  manhood  that  at 
least  they  had  fought  one  great  battle  for  their  lands 
and  liberties. 

VII.     "The  Men  of  Chili"  and  the  Civil  Wars 

Almagro,  assisted  by  treachery  on  the  part  of  some 
of  the  Spaniards  who  hated  the  Pizarros,  made  him- 
self master  of  the  city,  and,  breaking  his  plighted  word, 
seized  Hernando  and  Gonzalo. 

Meanwhile  Francisco,  the  Marquis,  had  despatched 
a  certain  captain  named  Alvarado  with  a  force  to  relieve 
Cuzco.  Almagro  marched  out  with  his  army  and 
defeated  the  superior  force  of  Alvarado  in  the  battle 
of  Abancay,  in  July,  1537,  in  which,  through  the 
generalship  of  Orgonez,  Alvarado's  troops  were  cap- 
tured with  little  or  no  loss  in  Almagro' s  army.  Almagro 
had  left  Gonzalo  Pizarro  behind  in  Cuzco,  but  had 
taken  Hernando,  heavily  guarded,  with  him.  Orgonez 
had  urged  Almagro  to  put  both  of  them  to  death. 
"Dead  men,"  he  pithily  remarked,  "need  no  guards." 
On  the  principle  of  "  In  for  a  penny,  in  for  a  pound," 


He  Threw  His  Sole  Remaining  Weapon  in   the   Faces  of  the 
Escaladers  " 


Fernando  Cortes. 
From  a  Picture  in  the  Florence  Gallery 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  103 

Almagro  was  already  deep  enough  in  the  bad  graces  of 
Francisco  Pizarro,  and  he  might  as  well  be  in  deeper 
than  he  was,  especially  as  the  execution  of  Hernando 
would  remove  his  worst  enemy.  But  Almagro  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  an  especially  cruel  man.  He 
was  an  easy-going,  careless,  jovial,  pleasure-loving 
soldier,  and  he  spared  the  lives  of  the  two  brothers. 
Gonzalo  escaped,  and  assembling  a  force,  immediately 
took  the  field. 

There  had  been  a  meeting  between  Francisco  and 
Almagro.  The  latter  got  an  inkling  that  there  was 
treachery  intended,  and  though  the  meeting  had  begun 
with  embraces  and  tears,  it  was  broken  off  abruptly 
and  both  the  ancient  partners  prepared  for  an  appeal  to 
arms.  Almagro  had  released  Hernando  on  his  promise 
to  return  immediately  to  Spain.  This  promise  Her- 
nando broke.  Francisco  made  his  brother  com- 
mander of  the  army,  and  the  forces  of  the  two  com- 
manders met  on  the  plains  of  Salinas  on  the  6th  of 
April,  1538. 

There  were  about  seven  hundred  on  one  side, 
Pizarro's,  and  five  hundred  on  the  other,  equally 
divided  between  horse  and  foot,  with  a  few  pieces  of 
artillery  in  both  armies.  The  men  of  Chili,  as  Alma- 
gro's  forces  were  called,  hated  their  former  comrades, 
and  Pizarro's  men  returned  this  feeling  with  such  anim- 
osities as  are  engendered  nowhere  save  in  civil  war. 
Victory  finally  attended  Hernando  Pizarro.  He  had 
fought  in  the  ranks  like  a  common  soldier,  save  that 
he  had  been  at  great  pains  so  to  distinguish  himself  by 
his  apparel  that  every  one  could  know  him,  so  that  all 
who  sought  him  could  find  him.  Orgonez  was  slain 
as  he  lay  on  the  ground,  wounded.  Such  was  the  close, 
fierce  fighting  that  the  killed  alone  numbered  nearly 


104  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

two  hundred,  besides  a  proportionately  greater  num- 
ber wounded. 

Almagro  had  watched  the  battle  from  an  adjacent  hill. 
He  was  old  and  ill,  broken  down  from  excesses  and 
dissipations.  Unable  to  sit  a  horse,  he  had  been  car- 
ried thither  on  a  litter.  The  sight  of  his  routed  army 
admonished  him  to  try  to  escape.  With  great  pain 
and  difficulty  he  got  upon  a  horse,  but  being  pur- 
sued, the  animal  stumbled  and  Almagro  fell  to  the 
ground.  Some  of  Pizarro's  men  were  about  to  dispatch 
him  when  Hernando  interfered.  He  was  taken  pris- 
oner to  Cuzco  and  held  in  captivity  for  a  while.  Her- 
nando had  announced  his  intention  of  sending  him  to 
Spain  for  trial,  but  a  conspiracy  to  effect  his  release, 
in  which  was  our  old  friend  De  Candia,  caused  a 
change  in  his  purposes.  Almagro  was  tried  on  charges 
which  were  easily  trumped  up,  was  found  guilty,  of 
course,  and  in  spite  of  his  protestations  and  piteous 
appeals  for  life,  he  was  strangled  to  death  at  night 
in  his  prison  on  the  8th  of  July,  1538,  in  the  sixty- 
fifth  year  of  his  life.  His  head  was  then  struck  from 
his  shoulders  and  both  were  exhibited  in  the  great 
square  at  Cuzco.  Vainglorious,  ignorant,  incompetent, 
yet  cheerful,  generous,  frank,  kindly  arid  open-hearted, 
and  badly  treated  by  Pizarro  and  his  brothers,  he  pos- 
sibly deserved  a  better  fate. 

The  Pizarro  brothers  affected  to  be  overcome  by  the 
stern  necessity  which  compelled  poor  Almagro's  exe- 
cution. As  Francisco  had  done  when  he  had  killed 
Atahualpa,  these  two  put  on  mourning  and  insisted 
upon  being  pall-bearers,  and  exhibited  every  out- 
ward manifestation  of  deep  and  abiding  grief. 

Almagro  left  a  son,  Diego,  by  an  Indian  woman,  to 
whom  he  had  not  been   married.     This  young  man 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  105 

was  under  the  guardianship  of  Pizarro  at  Lima.  The 
sword  of  Damocles  hung  over  his  head  for  a  while, 
but  he  was  spared  eventually  and,  the  rebellion  of 
Almagro  having  been  cut  down,  the  revolt  of  the  Inca 
crushed,  peace  appeared  once  more  to  dwell  in  the 
land. 

VIII.  The  Mean  End  of  the  Great  Conquistador 

But  fate  had  not  finished  with  the  Pizarros  as  yet. 
Hernando  was  sent  back  to  Spain  to  explain  the  situa- 
tion, and  Gonzalo  despatched  to  Quito,  of  which 
province  he  was  made  governor.  He  had  instructions 
to  explore  the  country  eastward  to  see  if  he  could  find 
another  Peru.  He  made  a  marvelous  march  to  the 
head- waters  of  the  Amazon  River,  where  he  was  deserted 
by  one  of  his  commanders,  Orellana,  who  built  a 
brigantine,  sailed  down  the  whole  length  of  the  Amazon, 
finally  reaching  Europe,  while  Gonzalo  and  those  few 
of  his  wretched  followers  who  survived  the  terrible 
hardships  of  that  march,  struggled  back  to  Quito. 

Francisco,  the  Marquis,  was  thus  left  alone  in  Peru. 
The  position  of  the  men  of  Chili  was  precarious. 
Although  outwardly  things  were  peaceful,  yet  they 
felt  that  at  any  time  Pizarro  might  institute  war  against 
them.  They  got  the  young  Almagro  away  from  him, 
and  a  score  of  men  under  Juan  de  Rada,  a  stout- 
hearted veteran,  mercenary  soldier,  determined  to  put 
the  Marquis  to  death  and  proclaim  the  young  Almagro 
as  Lord  and  Dictator  of  Peru. 

On  Sunday  afternoon,  the  26th  of  June,  1541,  De 
Rada  and  nineteen  desperate  men  of  Chili,  met  at 
De  Rada's  house  in  Lima.  Pizarro  had  received  a 
number  of  warnings  which  he  had  neglected,  confident 


106  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

in  the  security  of  his  position,  but  the  existence  of 
the  conspiracy  had  been  brought  home  to  him  with 
peculiar  force  that  Sunday,  and  he  had  remained  in 
his  palace  at  Lima  surrounded  by  a  number  of  gentle- 
men devoted  to  his  cause.  At  vespers  —  which  seems 
to  have  been  a  favorite  hour  for  nefarious  deeds  among 
the  Spaniards  —  the  assassins  sallied  forth  from  the 
home  of  De  Rada  and  started  for  the  palace.    ■ 

Such  was  the  indifference  in  which  the  people  held 
the  squabbles  between  the  Pizarrists  and  the  Almagrists, 
that  it  was  casually  remarked  by  many  of  them,  as  the 
assassins  proceeded  through  the  streets,  that  they  were 
probably  on  their  way  to  kill  the  governor.  The 
governor  was  at  supper  on  the  second  floor  of  his 
palace.  There  was  a  sudden  tumult  in  the  square 
below.  The  door  was  forced  open  and  the  Almagrists, 
shouting  "Death  to  Pizarro!"  rushed  for  the  stairs. 
Most  of  the  noble  company  with  the  old  Marquis  fled. 
The  great  conquistador  at  least  had  no  thought  of 
flight.  There  remained  with  him,  however,  two  pages, 
his  brother  Martin  de  Alcantara,  Francisco  de  Chaves, 
one  of  the  immortal  thirteen  of  Gallo,  and  another 
cavalier,  named  De  Luna. 

As  they  heard  the  clash  of  arms  on  the  stairs  and 
the  shouting  of  the  assailants,  the  Marquis  ordered 
De  Chaves  to  close  the  door;  then  he  sprang  to  the 
wall,  tore  from  it  his  corselet  and  endeavored  to 
buckle  it  on  his  person.  De  Chaves  unwisely  attempted 
to  parley,  instead  of  closing  the  door  and  barring  it. 
The  assailants  forced  the  entrance,  cut  down  De  Chaves, 
and  burst  into  the  room.  Pizarro  gave  over  the  attempt 
to  fasten  his  breastplate,  and  seizing  a  sword  and 
spear,  defended  himself  stoutly  while  pealing  his  war- 
cry:  "  Santiago !"  through  the  palace.     The  two  pages, 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  107 

fighting  valiantly,  were  soon  cut  down.  De  Alcan- 
tara and  De  Luna  were  also  killed,  and  finally,  Pizarro, 
an  old  man  over  seventy  years  of  age,  stood  alone  before 
the  murderers. 

Such  was  the  wonderful  address  of  the  sword  play  with 
which  he  defended  himself  that  the  conspirators  were 
at  a  loss  how  to  take  him,  until  De  Rada,  ruthlessly 
seizing  one  of  his  comrades,  pitilessly  thrust  him  upon 
Pizarro' s  sword-point,  and,  before  the  old  man  could 
withdraw  the  weapon,  cut  him  in  the  throat  with  his 
sword.  Instantly  Pizarro  was  struck  by  a  dozen 
blades.  He  fell  back  upon  the  floor,  but  he  was  not 
yet  dead,  and  with  his  own  blood  he  marked  a  cross  on 
the  stones.  It  is  alleged  by  some  that  he  asked  for  a 
confessor,  but  that  is  hardly  likely,  for  as  he  bent  his 
head  to  press  his  lips  upon  the  cross,  one  of  the  mur- 
derers, seizing  a  huge  stone  bowl,  or  earthen  vessel, 
threw  it  upon  his  head  and  killed  him.  Sic  transit 
Pizarro! 

If  he  has  been  the  subject  of  much  severe  censure, 
he  has  not  lacked,  especially  of  late,  zealous  defenders. 
I  have  endeavored  to  treat  him  fairly  in  these  sketches. 
Considering  him  in  comparison  with  his  contempo- 
raries, Cortes  surpassed  him  in  ability,  Hernando  in 
executive  capacity,  Almagro  in  generosity,  Balboa  in 
gallantry,  and  De  Soto  in  courtesy.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  was  inferior  to  none  of  them  in  bravery  and 
resolution,  and  he  made  up  for  his  lack  of  other  quali- 
ties by  a  terrible  and  unexampled  persistency.  Noth- 
ing could  swerve  him  from  his  determination.  He  had 
a  faculty  of  rising  to  each  successive  crisis  which  con- 
fronted him,  wresting  victory  from  the  most  adverse 
circumstances  in  a  way  worthy  of  the  highest  admira- 
tion.    He  was  not  so  cruel  as  Pedrarias,  but  he  was 


108  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

ruthless  enough  and  his  fame  is  forever  stained  by 
atrocities  and  treacheries  from  which  no  personal 
or  public  success  can  redeem  it.  In  passing  judg- 
ment upon  him,  account  must  be  taken  of  the  humble 
circumstances  of  his  early  life,  his  lack  of  decent,  healthy 
environment,  his  neglected  youth,  his  total  ignorance 
of  polite  learning.  Take  him  all  in  all,  in  some  things 
he  was  better  and  in  other  things  no  worse  than  his 
day  and  generation. 

IX.     The  Last  of  the  Brethren 

Hernando  Pizarro  was  delayed  on  his  voyage  to 
Spain  and  some  of  Almagro's  partisans  got  the  ear  of 
the  King  before  he  arrived.  He  was  charged  with 
having  permitted  by  his  carelessness  the  Peruvian  upris- 
ing and  having  unlawfully  taken  the  life  of  Almagro. 
The  story  of  his  desperate  defense  of  Cusco  was  unavail- 
ing to  mitigate  the  anger  of  the  King  at  the  anarchy 
and  confusion  —  and  incidentally  the  diminution  of 
the  royal  revenue  —  which  prevailed  in  Peru.  Her- 
nando was  thrown  into  prison  at  Medina,  and  kept 
there  for  twenty-three  long  and  weary  years. 

He  had  married  his  own  niece,  Francisca  Pizarro, 
illegitimate  daughter  of  the  Marquis  Francisco,  by  a 
daughter  of  the  great  Inca,  Huayna  Capac.  The 
woman  was  a  half-sister  of  Atahualpa  and  Huascar. 
By  this  questionable  means,  the  family  of  the  Pizarros, 
with  certain  dignities,  restored  for  their  Peruvian 
service,  was  perpetuated  in  Spain.  Hernando  died 
at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  four. 

De  Rada,  after  the  assassination  of  Francisco, 
assembled  the  ancient  partisans  of  Almagro.  They 
swore  fealty  to  the  young  Almagro,  and  immediately 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  109 

took  the  field  against  a  new  governor  sent  out  by 
Charles  V.  to  take  charge  of  affairs  in  Peru.  This 
Vaca  de  Castro,  through  his  able  lieutenants,  Alvarado 
and  Carvajal,  defeated  the  forces  of  Almagro  on  the 
bloody  and  desperately  fought  field  of  Chapus,  took 
the  young  man  prisoner  to  Cuzco,  and  beheaded  him 
forthwith.  He  met  his  death  bravely,  without  beseech- 
ing or  repining.  Before  the  fate  of  the  battle  was 
decided,  Almagro,  suspecting  that  the  gunner,  De 
Candia,  another  of  the  thirteen  who  had  adhered  to 
his  cause,  was  not  serving  his  artillery  with  so  good 
effect  as  he  might,  ran  him  through  the  body. 

There  remains  but  one  of  the  brothers  who  gave 
Peru  to  Spain,  the  maj^ficent  cavalier,  Gonzalo. 
His  fate  may  be  briefly  summarized.  Another  Vice- 
roy, named  Blasco  Nunez  Vela,  succeeded  De  Castro. 
He  had  orders  to  release  the  Peruvians  from  servitude, 
which  meant  that  the  conquerors  and  the  thousands 
who  had  come  after,  would  have  been  compelled  to 
work.  Led  by  Gonzalo,  who  had  been  rewarded  for 
his  services  in  the  rebellion  against  Almagro  by  a 
domain  in  Peru  which  included  the  newly  discovered 
mines  of  Potosi,  which  provided  him  with  the  sinews 
of  war,  the  people  rebelled  against  the  Viceroy.  Pizarro 
and  his  lieutenant,  Carvajal,  deposed  and  defeated  the 
Viceroy  in  a  battle  near  Quito  on  the  18th  of  January, 
1546,  the  latter  losing  his  life. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  now  the  supreme  lord  of  Peru, 
which  included  practically  the  whole  of  the  South 
American  coast  from  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  to  the 
Straits  of  Magellan,  for  Valdivia,  one  of  Francisco 
Pizarro' s  lieutenants,  had  partially  conquered  Chili 
at  last. 

The  Spanish  monarch,  three  thousand  miles  away, 


no  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

could  do  nothing  by  force.  He  sent  an  able  and 
devoted  ecclesiastic,  Gasca  by  name,  clothing  him 
with  dictatorial  powers,  to  see  what  he  could  do.  Gasca 
arrived  at  Panama,  cunningly  and  tactfully  won  the 
captains  of  Gonzalo*  s  navy  to  his  side,  went  to  Peru, 
assembled  a  force,  and  although  Centeno,  one  of  his 
lieutenants,  was  badly  defeated  by  Gonzalo  and 
Carvajal  on  the  26th  of  October,  1547,  at  Huarina, 
the  bloodiest  battle  ever  fought  in  Peru,  finally  gained 
strength  enough  to  march  to  Cuzco,  where  Gonzalo 
had  command  of  a  large  and  splendidly  equipped 
army.  Gasca,  by  promising  that  the  obnoxious  laws 
concerning  the  Indians  should  be  repealed,  and  adroitly 
pointing  out  that  those  who  adhered  to  Gonzalo  were, 
in  effect,  in  rebellion  against  their  sovereign,  had  so 
undermined  the  allegiance  of  his  men  that  Gonzalo, 
who  had  marched  to  the  Valley  of  Xaquixaguana, 
found  himself  deserted  on  the  eve  of  the  battle  by  all 
but  a  handful  of  faithful  retainers. 

"What  shall  we  do?"  asked  one  of  the  devoted 
followers. 

"Fall  on  them  and  die  like  Romans." 

"I  believe  I  should  prefer  to  die  like  a  Christian," 
said  Gonzalo  calmly. 

Recognizing  that  it  was  all  up  with  him,  riding  for- 
ward with  Carvajal  and  the  rest,  he  coolly  surrendered 
himself  to  Gasca. 

Carvajal  was  hung,  drawn  and  quartered. 

Gonzalo,  the  last  of  the  brothers,  was  beheaded  in 
the  great  square  at  Cuzco.  He  was  magnificently 
arrayed  as  he  rode  to  his  death.  His  vast  estates, 
including  the  mines  of  Potosi,  had  been  confiscated 
and  all  his  possessions  were  on  his  back.  He  met 
his  fate  with  the  courage  of  the  family.     Before  he 


Peru  and  the  Pizarros  in 

died  he  made  a  little  address  from  the  scaffold.  Con- 
trasting his  present  poverty  with  his  former  state,  he 
asked  those  who  had  been  his  friends  and  who  owed 
him  anything,  and  also  those  who  had  been  his  enemies, 
to  lay  out  some  of  the  treasure  they  had  gained  through 
his  family  and  himself  in  masses  for  the  repose  of  his 
soul.  Then  he  knelt  down  before  a  table  bearing 
a  crucifix,  and  prayed  silently.  At  last  he  turned  to 
the  executioner  and  said: 

"  Do  your  duty  with  a  steady  hand ! " 

So  he  made  a  rather  dramatic  and  picturesque  exit 
there  in  the  square  at  Cuzco,  on  that  sunny  morning  in 
April,  1548.  His  head  was  exhibited  at  Lima  with  that 
of  Carvajal.     To  it  was  attached  this  inscription: 

"This  is  the  head  of  the  traitor,  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
who  rebelled  in  Peru  against  his  sovereign  and  battled 
against  the  royal  standard  at  the  Valley  of  Xaqui- 
xaguana." 

There  remains  but  one  other  person  whose  fate 
excites  a  passing  interest,  unless  it  be  Bishop  Valverde, 
who  was  killed,  while  on  a  journey,  by  the  Peruvians, 
some  years  before;  this  is  the  last  Inca,  Manco  Capac. 
When  De  Rada  and  his  band  started  out  to  assassinate 
Pizarro,  one  of  the  soldiers,  named  Gomez  Perez, 
made  a  detour  as  they  crossed  the  square,  to  keep 
from  getting  his  feet  wet  in  a  puddle  of  muddy  water 
which  had  overflowed  from  one  of  the  conduits. 

"You  shrink/'  cried  De  Rada,  in  contempt,  "from 
wetting  your  feet,  who  are  about  to  wade  in  the  blood 
of  the  governor!     Go  back,  we  will  have  none  of  you." 

He  had  not  permitted  Perez  to  take  part  in  the 
assassination.  This  Perez,  after  the  final  defeat  of 
the  Almagrists,  fled  to  the  mountains  where  Manco 
still  exercised  a  fugitive  sway  over  such  of  his  people 


ii2  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

as  could  escape  the  Spaniards.  He  was  afterward 
pardoned  and  used  as  a  medium  of  communication 
between  Gasca  and  the  Inca.  The  priest  viceroy  was 
anxious  to  be  at  peace  with  the  Inca,  but  Manco  refused 
to  trust  himself  to  the  Spaniards. 

Perez  and  he  were  playing  bowls  one  day  in  the 
mountains.  Perez  either  cheated,  or  in  some  way 
incensed  the  unfortunate  Inca,  who  peremptorily 
reproved  him,  whereupon  the  Spaniard,  in  a  fit  of  pas- 
sion, hurled  his  heavy  stone  bowl  at  the  last  of  the 
Incas,  and  killed  him.  That  was  the  end  of  Perez, 
also,  for  the  attendants  of  the  young  Inca  stabbed  him 
to  death. 

Thus  all  those  who  had  borne  a  prominent  part  in 
the  great  adventures  had  gone  to  receive  such  cer- 
tain reward  as  they  merited;  which  reward  was  not 
counted  out  to  them  in  the  form  of  gold  and  silver,  or 
stones  of  price.  The  sway  in  the  new  land  of  the  king 
over  the  sea  was  absolute  at  last,  and  there  was  peace, 
such  as  it  was,  in  Peru. 


Part  I 

SOUTH  AMERICAN   FIGHTS 
AND*  FIGHTERS 

IV 
The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History 

I.    The   Chief  of  all   the   Soldiers   of  Fortune 

)1T  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  to  be 
Zjk  exact,  in  the  year  1500,  in  the  town  of 
jL  jL»  Painala,  in  the  Province  of  Coatzacualco, 
one  of  the  feudatory  divisions  of  the  great  Aztec 
empire  of  Mexico,  there  was  born  a  young  girl 
who  was  destined  to  exercise  upon  the  fortunes  of  her 
country  an  influence  as  great  as  it  was  baleful,  as 
wonderful  as  it  was  unfortunate.  She  was  the  daughter 
of  the  Cacique  of  Tenepal,  who  was  Lord  of  the  town 
and  province,  a  feoff  of  the  Mexican  Emperor  Monte- 
zuma Xocoyotzin.  This  was  the  second  Montezuma 
who  had  occupied  the  imperial  throne  and  his  last 
name  means  "The  Younger/'  which  he  adopted  to 
distinguish  him  from  his  predecessor  in  the  empire. 

This  Lord  of  Painala,  whose  name  has  been  for- 
gotten, unfortunately  for  his  country  departed  this 
life  soon  after  the  birth  of  his  daughter,  who  was 
called  Malinal  because  she  was  born  on  the  twelfth 
day  of  the  month,  her  name  indicating  that  fact.  His 
property  naturally  devolved  upon  the  young  daughter. 
Her  mother  assumed  the  office  of  guardian  and  regent 
of  the  state.  This  lady,  whose  name  has  also  been 
lost  in  oblivion,  did  not  long  remain  single.  After 
her  second  marriage,  which  apparently  took  place 
with  a  somewhat  indecent  hurry,  there  was  born  to 

"5 


^v 


116  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

her  and  her  new  consort,  a  young  son.  To  secure 
to  this  son  the  inheritance,  she  sold  her  little  daughter, 
too  young  to  realize  the  unfortunate  transaction, 
to  some  traders  of  Xicalango,  who  in  turn  disposed 
of  her  to  a  coast  tribe  of  Aztecs  called  the  Tabascans. 
She  lived  in  bondage  with  the  Tabascans  until  she 
was  nineteen  years  old.  She  developed  into  a  woman 
of  rare  beauty  and  unusual  intellect.  Something  of  the 
power  of  high  birth  was  evidently  hers,  for  she  escaped 
the  degrading  servitude  of  the  time,  and  was  carefully 
trained  and  prepared  for  some  higher  purpose.  This 
girl  was  to  be  the  instrument  of  the  downfall  of  her 
native  land. 

Now  it  happened  that  when  Malinal  was  nineteen 
years  old,  the  rumor  of  a  strange  visitation  ran  up 
and  down  the  shore  among  the  people  who  dwelt  upon 
the  great  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Some  remarkable  beings, 
the  like  of  whom  had  never  been  seen  or  heard  of 
within  the  memory  of  living  man,  in  some  remarkable 
boats  which  absolutely  transcended  the  imagination 
of  the  Aztecs,  had  been  seen  upon  the  coast  and  some 
of  them  had  landed  at  different  points.  Also  there  had 
sifted  from  the  south,  from  the  Isthmus  of  Darien 
and  the  Panama  States,  some  account  of  these  white- 
skinned  demi-gods.  Just  enough  rumor  was  current 
to  cause  alarm  and  uneasiness  in  the  Aztec  Empire 
when  the  attention  of  the  rulers  was  called  to  some 
definite  facts. 

On  Good  Friday,  March  23,  1519,  the  dreaded  and 
expected  happened,  for  there  landed  at  what  is  now 
the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  in  the  territory  of  the  Tabascans, 
vassals  of  Montezuma,  a  party  of  these  strange  adven- 
turers. They  were  led  by  a  man  of  mature  years, 
whose  name  was  Fernando  Cortes  —  sometimes  written 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  117 

Hernando  Cortes.  Like  Pizarro,  whose  history  has 
been  related,  he  was  from  the  forgotten  province  of 
Estremadura.  He  was  born  in  the  year  1485,  in  the 
city  of  Medellin.  He  was  seven  years  old  when 
Columbus  set  sail  upon  that  epoch-making  voyage 
of  discovery  and  he  was  thirty-four  when  he  set  foot 
for  the  first  time  on  the  shores  of  Mexico.  In  the 
intervening  years  much  interesting  and  valuable  expe- 
rience had  been  enjoyed. 

The  parents  of  Cortes  belonged  to  the  provincial 
nobility.  They  were  worthy  and  respectable  subjects 
of  the  King  of  Spain.  The  old-fashioned  adjectives, 
"poor,  but  honest,,  could  be  applied  to  them.  The 
boy  was  a  puny,  sickly  lad,  whom  they  scarcely  expected 
to  reach  man's  estate.  When  he  was  fourteen  years 
old  they  entered  him  in  the  great  University  of  Sala- 
manca where  he  took  his  degree  as  Bachelor  of  Laws, 
after  a  two  years'  course.  The  law,  in  Spain,  was 
considered  an  entirely  proper  profession  for  the  nobility, 
especially  when  the  nobility  were  unable,  through 
narrow  circumstances,  properly  to  support  the  profes- 
sion of  arms.  Cortes,  therefore,  was  in  receipt  of  a 
liberal  education  for  his  day.  His  letters,  some  of 
which  will  be  quoted  hereafter,  are  evidences  of  his 
mental  training.  In  some  respects  they  are  as  interest- 
ing as  are  the  famous  Commentaries  of  Julius  Caesar. 

The  young  man,  whose  constitution  improved  as  he 
grew  older,  until  he  eventually  became  the  hardiest, 
most  enduring  and  bravest  of  his  company,  which 
included  the  most  intrepid  men  of  the  age,  had  no  love 
for  the  humdrum  profession  of  law.  He  desired  to  go 
to  Italy  and  take  service  with  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova, 
who  is  remembered,  when  he  is  remembered  at  all, 
as   "The   Great   Captain";   but   sickness    prevented. 


u8  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Following  that,  his  thoughts  turned,  as  did  those  of 
so  many  Spanish  youths  who  were  of  an  adventurous 
disposition,  toward  the  New  World.  After  many  set- 
backs, one  of  which  was  caused  by  a  wound  received 
by  the  hot-blooded  young  man  while  engaged  in  a  love 
affair,  and  which  left  a  permanent  scar  upon  his  upper 
lip,  he  finally  landed  at  Santo  Domingo  in  the  Spring 
of  1504.  From  there  he  went  to  Cuba  and  served 
under  one  Diego  Velasquez,  the  governor  of  that 
province  in  some  fierce  fighting  in  the  island,  and 
received  as  a  reward  from  the  governor,  who  was 
much  attached  to  him,  a  large  plantation  with  a  number 
of  Indians  to  work  it.  There  he  married  and  lived 
prosperously.  What  he  had  done  before  he  arrived 
in  Mexico  counted  little.  What  he  did  afterward 
gave  him  eternal  fame  as  one,  if  not  the  greatest,  of 
the  conquerors  and  soldiers  of  fortune  in  all  history. 
Sir  Arthur  Helps  thus  portrays  him: 

" Cortes,"  he  says,  "was  an  heroic  adventurer,  a 
very  politic  statesman,  and  an  admirable  soldier.  He 
was  cruel  at  times  in  conduct,  but  not  in  disposition; 
he  was  sincerely  religious,  profoundly  dissembling, 
courteous,  liberal,  amorous,  decisive.  There  was  a 
certain  grandeur  in  all  his  proceedings.  He  was 
fertile  in  resources;  and,  while  he  looked  forward,  he 
was  at  the  same  time  almost  madly  audacious  in  his 
enterprises.  This  strange  mixture  of  valor,  religion, 
policy,  and  craft,  was  a  peculiar  product  of  the  century. 
.  .  .  There  are  two  main  pomts  in  his  character 
which  I  shall  dwell  upon^at*  the-  outset.  These  are 
his  soldier-like  qualities  and  hi*  cruelty.  As  a  com- 
mander, the  only  faulumputed  to  himrwas  his  reckless- 
ness in  exposing  himself  to  the  dangers  of  personal 
conflict  with,  the  enemy.     But-then,  that  is  an  error 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  119 

to  be  commonly  noticed  even  in  the  greatest  generals 
of  that  period;  and  Cortes,  with  this  singular  dexterity 
in  arms,  was  naturally  prone  to  fall  into  this  error. 
As  regards  his  peculiar  qualifications  as  a  commander, 
it  may  be  observed,  that,  great  as  he  was  in  carrying 
out  large  and  difficult  operations  in  actual  warfare, 
he  was  not  less  so  in  attending  to  those  minute  details 
upon  which  so  much  of  the  efficiency  of  troops  depends. 
His  companion-in-arms,  Bernal  Diaz,  says  of  him, 
'He  would  visit  the  hut  of  every  soldier,  see  that  his 
arms  were  ready  at  hand,  and  that  he  had  his  shoes  on. 
Those  whom  he  found  had  neglected  anything  in  this 
way  he  severely  reprimanded,  and  compared  them  to 
mangy  sheep,  whose  own  wool  is  too  heavy  for  them.' 

"I  have  said  that  he  was  cruel  in  conduct,  but  not 
in  disposition.  This  statement  requires  explanation. 
Cortes  was  a  man  who  always  determined  to  go  through 
with  the  thing  he  had  once  resolved  to  do.  Human 
beings,  if  they  came  in  his  way,  were  to  be  swept  out 
of  it,  like  any  other  material  obstacles.  He  desired 
no  man's  death,  but  if  people  would  come  between 
him  and  success,  they  must  bear  the  consequences. 
He  did  not  particularly  value  human  life.  The  ideas 
of  the  nineteenth  century  in  that  respect  were  unknown 
to  him.  He  had  come  to  conquer,  to  civilize,  to  convert 
(for  he  was  really  a  devout  man  from  his  youth  upward; 
and,  as  his  chaplain  takes  care  to  tell  us,  knew  many 
prayers  and  psalms  of  the  choir  by  heart;  and  the  lives 
of  thousands  of  barbarians,  for  so  he  deemed  them, 
were  of  no  account  in  the  balance  of  his  mind,  when 
set  against  the  great  objects  he  had  in  view.  In  saying 
this,  I  am  not  apologizing  for  this  cruelty;  I  am  only 
endeavoring  to  explain  it. 

"Of  all  the  generals  who  have  been  made  known 


120  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

to  us  in  history,  or  by  fiction,  Claverhouse,  as  repre- 
sented by  Sir  Walter  Scott,  most  closely  resembles 
Cortes.  Both  of  them  thorough  gentlemen,  very 
dignified,  very  nice  and  precise  in  all  their  ways  and 
habits,  they  were  sadly  indifferent  to  the  severity  of 
the  means  by  which  they  compassed  their  ends;  and 
bloody  deeds  sat  easily,  for  the  most  part,  upon  their 
well-bred  natures.  I  make  these  comments  once  for 
all;  and  shall  hold  myself  excused  from  making  further 
comments  of  a  like  nature  when  any  of  the  cruelties 
of  Cortes  come  before  us  —  cruelties  which  one  must 
ever  deeply  deplore  on  their  own  account,  and  bitterly 
regret  as  ineffaceable  strains  upon  the  fair  fame  and 
memory  of  a  very  great  man.  .  .  .  The  con- 
quest of  Mexico  could  hardly  have  been  achieved  at 
this  period  under  any  man  of  less  genius  than  that 
which  belonged  to  Hernando  Cortes.  And  even 
his  genius  would  probably  not  have  attempted  the 
achievement,  or  would  have  failed  in  it,  but  for  a  singu- 
lar concurrence  of  good  and  evil  fortune,  which  con- 
tributed much  to  the  ultimate  success  of  his  enterprise. 
Great  difficulties  and  fearful  conflicts  of  fortune  not 
only  stimulate  to  great  attempts,  but  absolutely  create 
the  opportunities  for  them." 

II.    The  Expedition  to  Mexico. 

Reports  brought  back  to  Cuba  by  one  Juan  de 
Grijilva,  who  told  of  the  populous  and  wealthy  cities 
of  the  main  land  to  the  westward  of  Cuba,  induced 
Velasquez  to  fit  out  an  expedition  for  exploration, 
colonization  or  whatever  might  turn  up.  Casting 
about  among  his  friends^followers,  and  acquaintances 
for  a  suitable  leader,  his  choice  after  some  hesitation 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  121 

devolved  upon  Cortes.  This  nascent  captain  had  not 
lived  at  the  provincial  court  of  Velasquez  without 
impressing  his  characteristics  upon  those  with  whom 
he  came  in  contact.  After  the  outfitting  of  the  expedi- 
tion had  progressed  considerably,  Velasquez  was 
warned  that  Cortes  was  of  too  high  and  resolved  a 
spirit  to  be  trusted  with  an  independent  command, 
and  it  was  probable  that  upon  this  opportunity  he 
would  disregard  his  instructions  and  act  for  his  own 
interests,  without  giving  another  thought  to  Velasquez 
and  his  backers. 

Velasquez  ignored  the  suggestions  that  he  displace 
Cortes  until  it  was  too  late.  Cortes,  learning  that  his 
enemies  were  undermining  him  with  the  governor, 
hastily  completed  his  preparations  and  set  sail  a  short 
time  in  advance  of  the  arrival  of  the  order  displacing 
him  from  the  command.  His  little  squadron  touched 
at  a  point  in  Cuba  and  was  there  overtaken  by  the  miss- 
ive from  Velasquez,  which  Cortes  absolutely  disregarded. 
He  had  embarked  his  property  and  had  persuaded  his 
friends  to  invest  and  did  not  propose  to  be  displaced 
by  anybody  or  anything. 

The  expedition  consisted  of  eleven  ships.  The 
flag  was  a  small  caravel  of  one  hundred  tons  burden. 
There  were  three  others  of  eighty  tons  each,  and  the 
seven  remaining  were  small,  undecked  brigantines. 
Authorities  vary  as  to  the  number  of  men  in  the 
expedition,  but  there  were  between  five  hundred  and 
fifty  and  six  hundred  Spaniards,  two  hundred  Indian 
servants,  ten  small  pieces  of  artillery,  four  falconets 
and  sixteen  horses. 

The  truth  must  be  admitted.  There  were  three 
factors  which  contributed  to  the  downfall  of  that  vast 
empire  against  which  this  expedition  of  adventurers 


122  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

was  launched.  One  of  them  was  Cortes  himself, 
the  second  was  Malinal,  and  the  third  was  the  sixteen, 
doubtless  sorry  horses,  loaded  into  the  ships.  Fiske 
says: 

"It  was  not  enough  that  the  Spanish  soldier  of  that 
day  was  a  bulldog  for  strength  and  courage,  or  that 
his  armor  was  proof  against  stone  arrows  and  lances, 
or  that  he  wielded  a  Toledo  blade  that  could  cut  through 
silken  cushions,  or  that  his  arquebus  and  cannon  were 
not  only  death-dealing  weapons  but  objects  of  super- 
stitious awe.  More  potent  than  all  else  together  were 
those  frightful  monsters,  the  horses.  Before  these 
animals  men,  women,  and  children  fled  like  sheep, 
or  skulked  and  peeped  from  behind  their  walls  in  an 
ecstasy  of  terror.  It  was  that  paralyzing,  blood- 
curdling fear  of  the  supernatural,  against  which  no 
amount  of  physical  bravery,  nothing  in  the  world  but 
modern  knowledge,  is  of  the  slightest  avail. " 

After  touching  at  various  places,  in  one  of  which  they 
were  lucky  enough  to  find  and  release  a  Spanish  captive 
named  Geronimo  de  Aguilar,  who  had  been  wrecked 
on  the  Yucatan  coast  while  on  a  voyage  from  the 
Spanish  settlement  in  Darien  and  had  been  taken 
captive  by  the  Mayas  and  held  for  several  years.  The 
hospitable  Mayas  had  eaten  most  of  the  expedition. 
There  were  then  but  two  alive.  One  had  renounced 
his  religion,  married  a  Maya  woman,  and  had  been 
elected  chieftain  of  the  tribe,  and  accordingly  refused 
to  join  Cortes.  Aguilar  was  unfettered  and  glad  of 
the  opportunity.  During  his  sojourn  among  the 
Mayas  he  had  learned  to  speak  their  language  fluently. 

After  landing  at  Tabasco  on  Good  Friday,  there 
was  a  great  battle  with  the  warlike  inhabitants  of  that 
section,  a  battle  which  resulted  in  the  complete  dis- 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  123 

comfiture  of  the  Tabascans.  The  artillery  did  much 
to  bring  this  about,  but  was  not  especially  terrifying  to 
the  aborigines  because  they  crowded  in  such  numbers 
around  the  Spaniards,  and  made  such  terrific  outcries, 
beating  on  their  drums  the  while,  that  they  drownerff 
out  the  noise  of  the  cannonade;  but  when  Cortes  at 
the  head  of  the  horsemen  sallied  out  from  the  woods., 
and  fell  upon  them,  the  strange,  terrifying  spectacle 
presented  by  these  mail-clad  monsters  and  demons, 
took  the  heart  out  of  the  Tabascans,  and  they  aban- 
doned the  contest,  leaving,  so  the  chroniclers  say, 
countless  numbers  dead  upon  the  field. 

They  knew  when  they  had  had  enough,  and  immedi- 
ately thereafter,  they  sued  for  peace.  Cortes  was 
graciously  pleased  to  grant  their  request,  and  to  accept 
as  a  peace-offering  a  score  of  slaves.  Among  them 
was  Malinal.  In  the  allotment  of  the  slaves  among 
the  officers,  she  fell  to  the  share  of  Alonzo  de  Puerto 
Carrero  from  whom  Cortes  speedily  acquired  her. 

Of  all  the  Indians  present  with  Cortes,  Malinal 
alone  could  speak  two  languages.  The  Tabascans 
spoke  a  sort  of  degenerate  Maya,  with  which,  as  she 
had  lived  among  them  so  long,  she  was  of  course 
perfectly  familiar,  at  the  same  time  she  had  not  forgotten 
her  native  Mexican.  It  would  have  been  impossible 
for  Cortes  to  have  communicated  with  the  Mexicans 
without  Malinal,  for  Aguilar  could  turn  Spanish  into 
Maya,  and  Malinal  could  turn  Maya  into  Mexican. 
This  means  of  communication,  round  about  though  it 
might  be,  was  at  once  established.  The  intervention 
of  Aguilar  soon  became  unnecessary,  for  Malinal 
presently  learned  to  speak  pure  Castilian  with  fluency 
and  grace.  She  received  instruction  from  the  worthy 
priests   who    accompanied    the    expedition    and    was 


124  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

baptised  under  the  name  of  Marina,  and  it  is  by  that 
name  that  she  is  known  in  history.  Her  eminence 
is  even  greater  than  that  unfortunate  Florinda,  whose 
father,  to  revenge  her  mistreatment  by  King  Roderick, 
the  Goth,  sold  Spain  to  Tarik,  the  Saracen,  so  many 
centuries  before. 

Marina  learnt  among  other  things  to  love  Cortes, 
whose  fortunes  she  followed  and  whom  she  served  with 
an  absolute,  unquestioning,  blind  devotion  and  fidelity 
until  the  end.  So  absolute  was  this  attachment  of  hers 
that  Cortes  became  known  to  the  Aztecs  as  the  Lord 
of  Marina.  The  Aztecs  could  not  pronounce  the 
letter  R.  Marina  was  therefore  changed  to  Malina, 
which  curiously  enough  was  nearly  her  original  name. 
The  word  "Tzin"  is  the  Aztec  name  for  Lord,  con- 
sequently Cortes  was  called  Malintzin,  or  more  shortly 
Malinche,  meaning,  as  has  been  stated,  the  Lord  of 
Malina. 

Sir  Arthur  Helps  has  this  to  say  of  her:  "Indeed 
her  fidelity  was  assured  by  the  love  which  she  bore  her 
master.  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  she  was  handsome, 
clever,  and  eager  to  be  useful  (one  that  will  have  an 
oar  in  every  boat),  and  she  looked  the  great  lady  that 
she  was. 

"There  was  hardly  any  person  in  history  to  whom 
the  ruin  of  that  person's  native  land  can  be  so  distinctly 
brought  home,  as  it  can  be  to  the  wicked  mother  of 
Donna  Marina.  Cortes,  valiant  and  skilful  as  he  was 
in  the  use  of  the  sword,  was  not  less  valiant  (perhaps  we 
might  say,  not  less  audacious)  nor  less  skilful,  in  the 
use  of  the  tongue.  All  the  craft  which  he  afterward 
showed  in  negotiations  would  have  been  profitless 
without  a  competent  and  trusty  interpreter.  ...  If 
a  medal  had  been  struck  to  commemorate  the  deeds  of 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  125 

Cortes,  the  head  of  Donna  Marina  should  have  been 
associated  with  that  of  Cortes  on  the  face  of  the  medal;', 
for,  without  her  aid,  his  conquest  of  Mexico  would  never 
have  been  accomplished. " 

III.     The  Religion  of  the  Aztecs 

Now  the  Aztec  Empire  was  a  rather  loose  confedera- 
tion of  states  bound  together  by  allegiance  to  a  common 
overlord,  who  had  his  capital  across  the  mountains 
in  the  City  of  Mexico.  It  had  been  founded  by  the 
influx  of  an  army  of  fierce  marauders  from  the  North 
who  had  overwhelmed  the  Toltecs  who  occupied  the 
country  and  had  attained  a  degree  of  civilization  which 
is  presumed  to  have  been  higher  than  that  which  dis- 
placed it.  This  Empire  of  Anahuac,  as  it  was  some- 
times called,  had  endured  for  two  centuries.  It  was 
a  military  despotism  and  the  emperor  was  a  military 
despot.  His  rule  was  the  rule  of  fear.  It  subsisted 
by  force  of  arms  and  terror  was  its  cohering  power, 
It  had  been  extended  by  ruthless  conquest  alone  until 
it  comprised  from  eighteen  hundred  to  two  thousand 
square  leagues,  about  two  hundred  thousand  square 
miles  of  territory.  The  capital,  situated  on  an  island 
in  the  midst  of  a  salt  lake,  was  known  as  Tenoch- 
titlan,  or  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  what  Rome  was  to 
the  Italian  states,  or  Carthage  was  to  the  north 
African  litoral,  this  city  was  to  Anahuac,  the  empire 
of  the  Aztecs.  The  name  Tenochtitlan  is  thus 
explained  by  Fiske: 

"  When  the  Aztecs,  hard  pressed  by  foes,  took  refuge 
among  these  marshes,  they  came  upon  a  sacrificial 
stone  which  they  recognized  as  one  upon  which  some 
years  before  one  of  their  priests  had  immolated  a  captive 


126  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

chief.  From  a  crevice  in  this  stone,  where  a  little 
earth  was  imbedded,  there  grew  a  cactus,  upon  which 
sat  an  eagle  holding  in  its  beak  a  serpent.  A  priest 
ingeniously  interpretated  this  symbolism  as  a  prophecy 
of  signal  and  long-continued  victory,  and,  forthwith 
diving  into  the  lake,  he  had  an  interview  with  Tlaloc, 
the  god  of  waters,  who  told  him  that  upon  that  very 
spot  the  people  were  to  build  their  town.  The  place 
was  thereafter  called  Tenochtitlan,  or  "the  place  of 
the  cactus-rock,"  but  the  name  under  which  it  after- 
ward came  to  be  best  known  was  taken  from  Mexitl, 
one  of  the  names  of  the  war  god  Huitzilopochtli.  The 
device  of  the  rock,  the  cactus,  with  the  eagle  and  the 
serpent,  formed  a  tribal  totem  for  the  Aztecs,  and  has 
been  adopted  as  the  coat-of-arms  of  the  present 
Republic  of  Mexico." 

Included  in  the  sway  of  its  emperor  were  many 
different  tribes.  They  were  kept  in  submission  by 
the  strong  and  inexorable  hand.  There  were  a  few 
tribes,  however,  which  had  not  been  subdued  and 
which  still  maintained  a  more  or  less  precarious 
independence.  The  subject  peoples  were  only  kept 
from  open  rebellion  by  the  most  rigorous  and  oppres- 
sive measures.  There  was  jealousy,  humiliation,  hoped- 
for  revenge  throughout  the  entire  empire. 

Each  tribe  or  people  had  its  own  local  god,  but  there 
was  a  bond  coherent  in  the  general  Mexican  religion 
that  had  its  centre  of  worship  in  the  great  city,  and 
which  all  of  them  followed.  This  religion  was  one  of 
the  most  ferocious,  degrading  and  disgusting  of  any 
in  history.  It  required  human  sacrifice  on  a  larger 
scale  than  had  ever  before  been  practised.  Cannibal- 
ism was  universal.  Captives  of  war  were  sacrificed 
to    the    gods    and    their    bodies    eaten.     In    Mexico, 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  127 

itself,  with  all  its  charm,  with  all  its  beauty,  with  all 
its  luxuries,  with  all  its  verdure  and  wealth,  there  were 
huge  pyramids  of  skulls.  The  priests  were  ferocious 
creatures,  whose  long  black  locks,  never  combed, 
were  matted  with  blood,  as  they  sacrificed  to  their 
awful  war-god  human  hearts,  still  palpitating,  torn 
from  the  victims  a  moment  since  alive.  Fiske  thus 
describes  the  temple  pyramid  and  chief  shrine  in  the 
great  city: 

"On  the  summit  was  a  dreadful  block  of  jasper, 
convex  at  the  top,  so  that  when  the  human  victim  was 
laid  upon  his  back  and  held  down,  the  breast  was 
pushed  upwards,  ready  for  the  priest  to  make  one 
deep  slashing  cut  and  snatch  out  the  heart.  Near 
the  sacrificial  block  were  the  altars,  and  sancturies 
of  the  gods,  Tezcatlipoca,  Huitzilopochtli,  and  others, 
with  idols  as  hideous  as  their  names.  On  these  altars 
smoked  fresh  human  hearts,  of  which  the  gods  were 
fond,  while  other  parts  of  the  bodies  were  ready  for 
the  kitchens  of  the  communal  houses  below.  The 
gods  were  voracious  as  wolves,  and  the  victims  as 
numerous.  In  some  cases  the  heart  was  thrust  into 
the  mouth  of  the  idol  with  a  golden  spoon,  in  others  the 
lips  were  simply  daubed  with  blood.  In  the  temple 
a  great  quantity  of  rattlesnakes,  kept  as  sacred  objects 
were  fed  with  the  entrails  of  the  victims.  Other 
parts  of  the  body  were  given  to  the  menagerie  beasts, 
which  were  probably  also  kept  for  purposes  of  religious 
symbolism.  Blood  was  also  rubbed  into  the  mouths 
of  the  carved  serpents  upon  the  jambs  and  lintels  of 
the  houses.  The  walls  and  floor  of  the  great  temple 
were  clotted  with  blood  and  shreds  of  human  flesh, 
and  the  smell  was  like  that  of  a  slaughter-house.  Just 
outside  the  temple,  in  front  of  the  broad  street  which 


128  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

led  across  the  causeway  to  Tlacopan,  stood  the 
tzompantlt,  which  was  'an  oblong  parallelogram  of 
earth  and  masonry,  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  feet 
(long)  at  the  base,  ascended  by  thirty  steps,  on  each 
of  which  were  skulls.  Round  the  summit  were  upward 
of  seventy  raised  poles  about  four  feet  apart,  connected 
by  numerous  rows  of  cross-poles  passed  through  holes 
in  the  masts,  on  each  of  which  five  skulls  were  filed, 
the  sticks  being  passed  through  the  temples.  In  the 
centre  stood  two  towers,  or  columns,  made  of  skulls 
and  lime,  the  face  of  each  skull  being  turned  outwards, 
and  giving  a  horrible  appearance  to  the  whole.  This 
effect  was  heightened  by  leaving  the  heads  of  dis- 
tinguished captives  in  their  natural  state,  with  hair 
and  skin  on.  As  the  skulls  decayed  they  fell  from 
the  towers  or  poles,  and  they  were  replaced  by  others, 
so  that  no  vacant  place  was  left." 

Concerning  the  cruelty  of  the  Spaniards,  the  contrast 
between  the  opposing  religions  must  be  considered. 
Ruthless  as  the  conquerors  were,  there  is  no  possible 
comparison  between  the  most  indifferent  principles 
of  the  Christian  Religion  and  the  application  of  the 
awful  principles  of  the  Mexican  religion.  MacNutt, 
the  author  of  the  latest  and  best  life  of  Cortes,  makes 
this  interesting  comment  on  the  Christianity  of  the 
Spanish   adventurers  of  the  time: 

"Soldier  of  Spain  and  soldier  of  the  Cross,  for  the 
Cross  was  the  standard  of  militant  Christianity,  of 
which  Spain  was  the  truest  exponent,  his  religion, 
devoutly  believed  in,  but  intermittently  practised, 
inspired  his  ideals,  without  sufficiently  guiding  his 
conduct.  Ofttimes  brutal,  he  was  never  vulgar,  while 
as  a  lover  of  sheer  daring  and  of  danger  for  danger's 
sake,  he  has  never  been  eclipsed.     .     .     .     Sixteenth- 


( 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  129 

century  Spain  produced  a  race  of  Christian  warriors 
whose  piety,  born  of  an  intense  realization  of,  and  love 
for  a  militant  Christ,  was  of  a  martial  complexion, 
beholding  in  the  symbol  of  salvation  —  the  Cross  — 
the  standard  of  Christendom  around  which  the  faithful 
must  rally,  and  for  whose  protection  and  exaltation 
swords  must  be  drawn  and  blood  spilled  if  need  be. 
They  were  the  children  of  the  generation  which  had 
expelled  the  Moor  from  Spain,  and  had  brought 
centuries  of  religious  and  patriotic  warfare  to  a  triumph- 
ant close,  in  which  their  country  was  finally  united 
under  the  crown  of  Castile.  From  such  forebears  the 
generation  of  Cortes  received  its  heritage  of  Christian 
chivalry.  The  discovery  of  a  new  world,  peopled  by 
barbarians,  opened  a  fresh  field  to  Spanish  missionary 
zeal,  in  which  the  kingdom  of  God  upon  earth  was 
to  be  extended  and  countless  souls  rescued  from  the 
obscene  idolatries  and  debasing  cannibalism  which 
enslaved  them." 

In  the  Mexican  Pantheon,  however,  there  was  one 
good  god,  named  Quetzalcoatl.  He  was  a  Toltec 
deity,  and  was  venerated  as  the  god  of  the  air.  He 
was  identified  with  the  east  wind  which  brought  the 
fertilizing  rains.  Some  historians  and  investigators 
explain  him  as  purely  a  mythical  personage.  He 
was  supposed  to  have  appeared  to  the  Toltecs  long 
before  the  Aztecs  came  into  the  land.  He  was  described 
in  ancient  traditions  as  a  tall,  white-faced,  bearded  man, 
whose  dress  differed  from  that  of  the  aborigines  and 
included  a  long  white  tunic,  upon  which  were  dark 
red  crosses.  His  teachings  enjoined  chastity,  charity, 
and  penance.  He  had  but  one  God  and  preached  in 
the  name  of  that  God.  He  condemned  human  sacrifice 
and  taught  the  nation  agriculture,  metal  work  and 


130  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

mechanics.  He  fixed  their  calendar  so  that  it  was 
much  more  reliable  than  either  the  Greek  or  the  Roman. 
There  were  various  legends  as  to  his  departure,  one  of 
them  being  that  he  sailed  away  across  the  sea  upon  a 
raft  composed  of  serpents,  and  was  wafted  into  the 
unknown  East  whence  he  had  come. 

His  color,  his  dress,  his  teachings,  and  his  character, 
are  all  so  symbolic  of  Christianity,  they  are  so  strange, 
so  unique,  so  utterly  without  an  explanation  in  anything 
else  known  of  the  Aztecs  and  Toltecs,  that  the  con- 
clusion that  he  was  a  Christian  Bishop,  wearing  a 
pallium  is  almost  irresistible.  Why  could  not  some 
Christian  Bishop,  voyaging  along  the  shores  of  Europe, 
have  been  blown  far  out  of  his  course  by  a  long-con- 
tinued easterly  gale,  finally  have  landed  on  the  shores 
of  Mexico  and,  having  done  what  he  could  to  teach 
the  people,  have  built  himself  some  kind  of  a  ship  and 
sailed  eastward  in  the  hope  of  once  more  revisiting  his 
native  land  before  he  died.  At  any  rate,  such  is  the 
tradition.  It  was  a  tradition  or  legend  which  played 
no  small  part  in  the  conquest  about  to  be  effected. 

IV.     The  March  to  Tenochtitlan 

Into  this  loosely  compact  political  and  social  organi- 
zation, hard-headed,  clear-sighted,  iron-hearted,  steel- 
clad  Cortes  precipitated  himself.  His  was  a  mind  at 
the  same  time  capable  of  vast  and  comprehensive 
designs  and  a  most  minute  attention  to  small  details. 
For  instance,  he  laid  out  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  at  the 
place  of  his  landing.  He  caused  his  men  to  elect  a 
full  corps  of  municipal  officers  from  their  number. 
To  this  organization  he  frankly  resigned  his  commission 
and  the  power  that  he  had  by  the  appointment  of 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  131 

Velasquez,  which  the  latter  had  tried  so  hard  to  revoke. 
They  immediately  elected  him  captain-general  of  the 
expedition  with  vastly  increased  prerogatives  and 
privileges.  Thus  he  could  now,  in  form  at  least, 
trace  his  authority  to  the  crown,  as  represented  by  this 
new  colonial  municipality  and  he  therefore  had  behind 
him  the  whole  power  of  the  expedition ! 

With  a  skill,  which  showed  not  only  his  adroitness, 
but  his  determination,  he  next  caused  his  men  to 
acquiesce  in  the  scuttling  of  the  ships  which  had 
conveyed  them  to  Mexico!  After  saving  the  cordage, 
rigging  and  everything  else  that  might  be  useful, 
which  was  carefully  stored  away  in  the  little  fort 
rapidly  building,  the  vessels  were  destroyed  beyond 
repair.  Before  this  was  done,  Cortes  offered  to  reserve 
one  ship  for  certain  malcontents  and  partisans  of 
Velasquez  in  which  they  might  return  if  they  wished. 
Nobody  took  advantage  of  his  offer. 

By  this  bold  and  original  stroke,  he  added  to 
his  expeditionary  force  some  one  hundred  and 
twenty  hardy  mariners,  who  thereafter  took  part 
with  the  soldiery  in  all  the  hazards  and  undertakings. 
With,  therefore,  less  than  six  hundred  men,  sixteen 
horses,  ten  small  cannon,  and  one  woman,  Cortes 
prepared  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  this  mighty 
empire.  It  was  a  small  force,  but  its  fighting 
quality  was  unsurpassed.  Lew  Wallace  thus  charac- 
terizes them: 

"  It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  eulogize  the  Christians 
who  took  part  in  Cortes's  crusade.  History  has 
assumed  their  commemoration.  I  may  say,  however, 
they  were  men  who  had  acquired  fitness  for  the  task 
by  service  in  almost  every  clime.  Some  had  tilted 
with  the  Moor  under  the  walls  of  Granada;  some  had 


132  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

fought  the  Islamite  on  the  blue  Danube;  some  had 
performed  the  first  Atlantic  voyage  with  Columbus; 
all  of  them  had  .hunted  the  Carib  in  the  glades  of 
Hispaniola.  It  is  not  enough  to  describe  them  as 
fortune-hunters,  credulous,  imaginative,  tireless;  neither 
is  it  enough  to  write  them  soldiers,  bold,  skilful, 
confident,  cruel  to  enemies,  gentle  to  each  other. 
They  were  characters  of  the  age  in  which  they  lived, 
unseen  before,  unseen  since;  knights  errant,  who 
believed  in  hippogrifF  and  dragon,  but  sought  them 
only  in  lands  of  gold;  missionaries,  who  complacently 
broke  the  body  of  the  converted  that  Christ  might  the 
sooner  receive  his  soul;  palmers  of  pike  and  shield, 
who,  in  care  of  the  Virgin,  followed  the  morning  round 
the  world,  assured  that  Heaven  stooped  lowest  over 
the  most  profitable  plantations." 

Just  what  Cortes  at  first  proposed  to  do  is  not  quite 
clear.  Indeed,  he  himself  could  not  form  any  definite 
plan  until  the  circumstances  under  which  he  would 
be  compelled  to  act,  should  be  more  precisely  ascer- 
tained. He  was,  therefore,  an  opportunist.  For 
one  thing,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  lead  his  troops  to 
the  capital  city  willy-nilly,  and  there  act  as  circumstances 
might  determine.  He  was  a  statesman  as  well  as 
a  soldier.  It  did  not  take  him  long  to  fathom  the 
peculiarities  of  the  organization  and  composition  of 
the  Aztec  Empire.  He  knew  that  discord  existed 
and  he  had  only  to  introduce  himself  to  become  a 
focus  for  the  discontent  and  rebellion.  By  giving 
a  secret  impression  that  he  was  for  either  side,  he  could 
play  one  party  against  the  other,  as  best  suited  his 
purposes.  He  came  to  bring  freedom  to  the  one,  to 
promote  the  revolt  of  the  other,  check  the  oppression 
of  the  third,  and  destroy  the  presumption  of  the  another 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  133 

tribe,  or  warring  nation.  So  he  caused  his  purposes 
to  be  declared. 

Cortes's  personal  character  was  not  by  any  means 
above  reproach,  yet  withal  he  was  a  sincere  and 
devoted  Christian,  strange  and  inexplicable  as  the 
paradox  may  seem,  but  it  was  an  age  of  devoted 
Christians,  whose  devotion  and  principles  fortunately 
were  not  translated  into  daily  life.  Neither  Cortes 
nor  any  of  his  followers  —  perhaps  not  even  the  priests 
were  of  different  opinion  —  thought  any  less  of  them- 
selves or  regarded  themselves  the  less  worthy  Christians : 
if  their  conduct  toward  the  native  races  did  not  manifest 
that  continence,  restraint  and  sympathy  which  their 
religion  taught.  Cortes  was  a  child  of  his  age;  the  other 
great  men  of  his  age  were  much  like  him  in  these  things. 
Here  and  there  a  Las  Casas  appears,  but  he  shines 
forth  against  a  dark  and  universally  extensive  back- 
ground. Such  as  the  great  apostles  to  the  Indies 
were  lonely  exceptions  indeed. 

All  the  Spanish  conquerors  were  cruel;  but  Cortes 
was  not  so  cruel  as  many  others.  He  was  not  to  be 
compared  to  the  ruthless  Pizarro  for  instance.  Save 
in  daring  and  personal  courage,  he  vastly  surpassed 
the  Lord  of  Peru  in  every  quality  which  goes  to  make 
a  man.  Cortes  was  treacherous  in  his  dealings 
with  Montezuma  and  others,  but  the  man  of  his  age 
regarded  very  lightly  the  obligation  of  his  word  toward 
a  savage.  Indeed,  it  was  a  well-known  principle  that 
no  faith  was  necessarily  to  be  kept  with  either  heretics 
or  heathen  and  no  oath  was  binding  against  the  interests 
of  the  state.  Cortes,  of  course,  had  all  the  contempt 
for  the  Aztecs  that  Caucasians  usually  have  for  inferior 
races,  although  in  his  letters,  he  tried  his  very  best 
to  be  fair,  to  be  just,  even  to  be  generous  to  these 


\ 


134  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

people  he  overcame;  and  no  one  can  doubt  the  sincerity 
with  which  he  desired  to  promote  the  spreading  of  the 
Christian  religion. 

They  did  things  differently  in  those  days.  Not 
only  did  they  believe  that  the  religion  of  the  heathen 
should  be  changed  by  force,  but  they  believed  that  in 
some  way  they  could  constrain  all  people  to  accept 
Christianity.  More  blood  has  been  shed  in  promoting 
the  idea  that  the  outsider  should  be  compelled  to  come 
into  the  fold  than  from  the  misinterpretation  of  any 
other  text  in  the  sacred  scriptures.  If  any  civilized 
power  in  the  world  to-day  should  send  an  expeditionary 
force  into  a  heathen  country,  which  should  signalize  its 
arrival  therein  by  the  desecration  of  its  temples  and  the 
destruction  of  its  idols,  the  commander  would  be 
recalled  at  once.  We  have  learned  other  methods, 
methods  of  persuasion,  of  reason,  of  love.  The  age  of 
Cortes  knew  nothing  of  these  methods,  and  he  was 
only  following  out  the  common  practice  when  he 
smashed  with  his  battle-axe  the  hideous  gods  of  the 
Mexicans,  and  washed  and  purified  with  clean  water, 
the  reeking,  gory,  ill-smelling  slaughter-houses  which 
were  the  Aztec  Holy  of  Holies,  and  adorned  them  with 
crosses  and  images  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary.  When 
Charles  the  IX.  offered  Henry  of  Navarre  a  choice 
of  death,  mass,  or  the  Bastille  on  the  night  of  Saint 
Bartholomew,  he  gave  him  one  more  chance  than  the 
early  steel-clad  militant  missionary  gave  to  the  aborig- 
ines of  the  new  world  —  for  them  there  was  no  Bastille. 

Making  friends  with  the  Tabascans,  and  leaving 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men  to  guard  his  base  of  supplies 
at  Vera  Cruz  and  to  watch  the  coast,  Cortes  began  his 
march  toward  Mexico  on  the  sixteenth  day  of  August, 
15 19.     He  proceeded  with  the  greatest  caution.     Bernal 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  135 

Diaz,  an  old  soldier,  who  afterward  wrote  a  most 
vivid  and  graphic  account  of  the  conquest,  of  which 
he  was  no  small  part,  says  that  they  marched  forward 
"with  their  beards  on  their  shoulders,"  that  is,  looking 
from  side  to  side,  constantly.  There  was  no  hurry 
and  there  was  no  need  to  tire  out  the  force  which  was 
thus  facing  the  danger  of  a  long,  hard  and  rash  adven- 
ture. 

By  the  aid  of  Marina  and  Aguilar,  Cortes  speedily 
learned  of  places  like  Cempoalla,  which  were  hostile 
to  Montezuma  and  he  took  in  as  many  of  these  places 
on  his  march  as  possible,  always  with  incidents  instruc- 
tive and  valuable.  At  Cempoalla,  for  instance,  he 
met  the  tax-gatherers  of  Montezuma.  He  persuaded 
the  Cempoallans  to  refuse  payment  of  the  tax  —  an 
action  which  would  ordinarily  have  brought  down 
upon  them  the  fury  of  the  Aztec  monarch  and  would 
have  resulted  in  their  complete  and  utter  extermination. 
He  did  more.  He  caused  the  Cacique  of  Cempoalla  — 
a  man  so  fat  and  gross,  that,  like  "  the  little  round  belly  " 
of  Santa  Claus,  he  "shook  like  a  jelly"  so  that  the 
Spaniards  called  him  "The  Trembler"  —  actually  to 
raise  his  hand  against  the  tax-gatherers  and  imprison 
them.  They  would  undoubtedly  have  been  sacrificed 
and  eaten  had  not  Cortes,  secretly  and  by  night  released 
three  of  them  and  allowed  them  to  go  back  to  their 
royal  master,  after  he  had  sent  two  into  a  safe  ward 
at  Vera  Cruz. 

Montezuma's  messengers  met  him  at  every  town. 
"  Bearing  rich  gifts,  they  disclosed  the  possibilities  of  the 
Hinterland  and  germinated  in  the  brain  of  Cortes  the 
idea  of  conquest.  One  revelation  was  confirmed  by 
another,  and,  as  the  evidence  of  Aztec  wealth  multiplied 
the    proofs    of   internal    disaffection    throughout    the 


136  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

empire  stimulated  the  confidence  of  the  brooding 
conqueror.  Disloyalty  among  the  Totonacs,  treachery 
that  only  waited  an  opportunity  in  Texcoco,  an  ancient 
tradition  of  hate  in  Tlascala,  and  the  superstition 
that  obscured  the  judgment  and  paralyzed  the  action 
of  the  despotic  ruler  —  these  were  the  materials  from 
which  the  astute  invader  evolved  the  machinery  for 
his  conquest." 

Montezuma  was  in  a  pitiable  state  of  superstitious 
indecision.  It  was  popularly  believed  that  Quet- 
zalcoatl  would  some  day  return,  and  it  was  more  than 
probable  to  the  Aztec  monarch  and  his  counsellors 
that  he  might  be  reincarnated  in  the  person  of  Cortes 
and  his  followers.  Indeed,  the  common  name  for 
them  among  the  Mexicans  was  Teules,  which  means 
gods.  If  Cortes  was  a  god  it  was  useless  to  fight 
against  him.  If  he  and  his  were  men,  they  could  of 
course  be  easily  exterminated,  but  were  they  men  ? 
There  were  a  few  bold  spirits  who  inclined  to  this 
belief,  but  not  many.  Besides,  whatever  the  rest  might 
be,  the  horsemen  must  be  of  divine  origin.  Cuitlahua, 
the  brother  of  Montezuma,  and  one  of  the  highest  and 
most  important  of  the  Aztec  rulers  was  for  attacking 
them  whatever  the  consequences,  but  he  was  alone 
in  advising  this.  It  was  thought  better  to  temporize. 
Perhaps  later  on  it  might  be  decided  whether  these 
strange  beings  were  of  common  clay,  and  there  would 
be  plenty  of  time  to  exterminate  them  then. 

Montezuma  was  therefore  an  opportunist,  like 
Cortes,  but  there  was  a  vast  difference  between  them. 
Montezuma  was  a  man  of  great  ability,  undoubtedly, 
or  he  never  could  have  been  chosen  by  the  hereditary 
electors  to  the  position  he  occupied,  and  he  could  never 
have  held  it  if  he  had  not  been.     He  was  a  man  over 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  137 

fifty  years  of  age,  and  had  maintained  himself  on  the 
throne,  in  spite  of  many  wars,  in  which  he  had  been 
almost  universally  victorious.  His  judgment  and  his 
decision  alike  were  paralyzed  by  superstition.  He 
did  the  unwisest  thing  he  could  possibly  have  done. 
He  sent  messengers  to  Cortes,  bearing  rich  gifts,  gold, 
feather  work,  green  stones,  which  the  Spaniards  thought 
were  emeralds,  vast  treasures.  He  acknowledged  in 
effect  the  wonderful  wisdom  of  Cortes's  overlord,  the 
great  emperor,  Charles  V.,  in  whose  name  Cortes 
did  everything,  taking  care  always  to  have  a  notary 
to  attest  his  proclamations  to  the  Indians,  but  he  told 
Cortes  not  to  come  to  Mexico  City.  He  said  that 
he  was  poor,  that  the  journey  was  a  long  and  hard 
one;  in  short,  he  offered  him  every  inducement  to 
come  with  one  hand,  while  he  waved  him  back  with 
the  other. 

Treasure  was  the  only  motive  of  the  conquerors  of 
Peru.  Cortes  was  big  enough  and  great  enough  to 
rise  above  that.  He  was  after  larger  things  than  the 
mere  filling  of  his  purse,  and  on  several  occasions  he 
relinquished  his  own  share  of  the  booty  to  the  soldiery. 
He  was  an  empire-builder,  not  a  treasure-hunter. 

As  Cortes  progressed  through  the  country,  the 
treasure  sent  by  Montezuma  grew  in  value,  and  the 
prohibitions,  which  by  and  by  amounted  to  entreaties, 
increased  in  volume.  We  wonder  what  might  have 
happened,  if  young  Guatemoc,  whom  we  shall  hear  of 
later  had  occupied  the  throne.  Certainly,  although 
the  Spaniards  would  have  died  fighting,  they  would 
undoubtedly  have  been  overwhelmed,  and  the  conquest 
of  Mexico  might  have  been  postponed  for  another 
generation  or  two.     It  was  bound  to  happen  anyway,  ■■ 

sooner  or  later,  as  far  as  that  goes. 


138  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

V.     The  Republic  of  Tlascala 

Cortes's  progress  finally  brought  him  to  a  remarkable 
tribe,  whose  friendship  he  succeeded  in  winning,  and 
which  must  be  added  as  the  fourth  factor,  with  him- 
self, Marina,  and  the  horses,  as  the  cause  of  the  downfall 
of  Mexico.  Curiously  enough,  this  tribe  had  a  sort 
of  republican  form  of  government.  It  is  usually 
referred  to  as  the  Republic  of  Tlascala.  It  was  an  inde- 
pendent confederation  composed  of  four  separate  states. 
The  government  consisted  of  a  senate,  composed  of 
the  rulers  of  the  four  states  or  clans  of  the  tribe.  Tlas- 
cala was  completely  hemmed  in  by  provinces  of  the 
Aztec  Empire,  with  which  it  was  always  in  a  state  of 
constant  and  bitter  warfare.  The  inhabitants  had  no 
access  to  the  sea,  consequently  they  had  never  enjoyed 
the  use  of  salt.  They  had  no  access  to  the  lowlands, 
so  they  were  without  cotton,  a  fabric  then  universally 
used  throughout  the  country.  They  had  no  trade 
or  commerce.  They  were  completely  shut  in  and 
eternal  vigilance  was  the  price  of  their  liberty.  They 
lacked  the  arts,  the  grace,  and  the  refinement  of  the 
Mexicans,  but  they  were  as  hardy,  as  bold,  as  skilful  in 
the  use  of  arms,  and  as  determined,  as  well  as  cruel, 
as  the  Aztecs.  Neither  Montezuma  nor  his  pre- 
decessors with  the  power  of  millions  had  been  able 
to  make  them  acknowledge  any  sovereignty  but  their 
own.  They  were  protected  by  the  mountain  ranges 
and  here  and  there  they  had  built  high  walls  across  the 
valley.  Tlascala  was  a  large  and  imposing  city. 
Cortes  thus  describes  it: 

"This  city  is  so  extensive  and  so  well  worthy  of 
admiration,  that  although  I  omit  much  that  I  could 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  139 

say  of  it,  I  feel  assured  that  the  little  I  shall  say  will 
be  scarcely  credited,  for  it  is  larger  than  Granada, 
and  much  stronger,  and  contains  as  many  fine  houses 
and  a  much  larger  population  than  that  city  did  at 
the  time  of  its  capture;  and  it  is  much  better  supplied 
with  the  products  of  the  earth,  such  as  corn,  and  with 
fowls  and  game,  fish  from  the  rivers,  various  kinds  of 
vegetables,  and  other  exellent  articles  of  food.  There 
is  in  this  city  a  market,  in  which  every  day  thirty  thou- 
sand people  are  engaged  in  buying  and  selling,  besides 
many  other  merchants  who  are  scattered  about  the 
city.  The  market  contains  a  great  variety  of  articles 
both  of  food  and  clothing,  and  all  kinds  of  shoes  for  the 
feet;  jewels  of  gold  and  silver,  and  precious  stones,  and 
ornaments  of  feathers,  all  as  well  arranged  as  they  can 
possibly  be  found  in  any  public  squares  or  markets  in 
the  world.  There  is  much  earthenware  of  every  style 
and  a  good  quality,  equal  to  the  best  Spanish  manufac- 
ture. Wood,  coal,  edible  and  medicinal  plants,  are 
sold  in  great  quantities.  There  are  houses  where  they 
wash  and  shave  the  head  as  barbers,  and  also  for  baths. 
Finally,  there  is  found  among  them  a  well-regulated 
police;  the  people  are  rational  and  well  disposed,  and 
altogether  greatly  superior  to  the  most  civilized  African 
nations.  The  country  abounds  in  level  and  beautiful 
valleys  all  tilled  and  sown,  without  any  part  lying 
unimproved.  In  its  constitution  of  government  that 
has  existed  until  the  present  time,  it  resembles  the  states 
of  Venice,  Genoa  and  Pisa;  since  the  supreme  authority 
is  not  reposed  in  one  person.  There  are  many  nobles, 
all  of  whom  reside  in  the  city;  the  common  people  are 
laborers  and  the  vassals  of  the  nobility,  but  each  one 
possesses  land  of  his  own,  some  more  than  others. 
In  war  all  unite  and  have  a  voice  in  its  management 


140  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  direction.  It  may  be  supposed  that  they  have 
tribunals  of  justice  for  the  punishment  of  the  guilty; 
since  when  one  of  the  natives  of  the  province  stole  some 
gold  of  a  Spaniard,  and  I  mentioned  the  circumstance 
to  Magiscacin,  the  most  powerful  of  the  nobility,  they 
made  search  for  the  thief,  and  traced  him  to  a  city  in 
the  neighborhood  called  Churultecal  (Cholula)  from 
whence  they  brought  him  prisoner,  and  delivered  him 
to  me  with  the  gold,  saying  that  I  must  have  him  pun- 
ished. I  acknowledged  in  suitable  terms  the  pains 
they  had  taken  in  the  matter,  but  remarked  to  them 
that  since  the  prisoner  was  in  their  country,  they  should 
punish  him  according  to  their  custom,  and  that  I  chose 
not  to  interfere  with  the  punishment  of  their  people 
while  I  remained  among  them.  They  thanked  me 
and,  taking  the  man,  carried  him  to  the  great  market, 
a  town  crier  making  public  proclamations  of  his  offense; 
they  then  placed  him  at  the  base  of  a  structure  resemb- 
ling a  theatre,  which  stands  in  the  midst  of  the  market- 
place, while  the  crier  went  to  the  top  of  the  building, 
and  with  a  loud  voice  again  proclaimed  his  offense; 
whereupon  the  people  beat  him  with  sticks  until  he 
was  dead.  We  likewise  saw  many  persons  in  prison 
who  were  said  to  be  confined  for  theft  and  other  offenses 
they  had  committed.  There  are  in  this  province, 
according  to  the  report  made  by  my  order,  five  hundred 
thousand  inhabitants,  besides  those  in  another  smaller 
province  adjacent  to  this,  called  Guazincango,  who 
live  in  the  manner,  not  subject  to  any  native  sovereign 
and  are  not  less  the  vassals  of  Your  Highness  than 
the  people  of  Tlascala." 

Montezuma  gave  another  reason  for  permitting  the 
Tlascalans  their  liberty  and  independence.  He  said 
that  he  was  allowing  them  to  maintain  their  existence 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  141 

and  remain  a  republic  because  everything  else  in  the 
vicinity  had  been  conquered;  and  as  there  was  no 
field  for  the  young  warriors  of  the  Aztec  nation  to 
obtain  that  military  training  which  it  was  always 
best  to  learn  by  actual  experience,  he  kept  Tlascala 
in  a  state  of  enmity  because  it  furnished  him  a  place 
where  he  could  get  the  human  beings  for  sacrifices 
to  his  gods  that  he  required  and  at  the  same  time  train 
his  young  soldiery.  In  other  words,  Tlascala  was 
regarded  as  a  sort  of  game  preserve  from  a  religious 
point  of  view.  Doubtless,  Tlascala  did  not  acknowl- 
edge the  justice,  the  propriety  and  the  correctness 
of  this  attitude  of  scorn  and  contempt  on  the  part  of 
the  Aztecs.  The  other  tribes  of  Mexico  bore  the  yoke 
uneasily,  arid  cherished  resentment,  but  even  the 
enmity  between  the  Jews  and  the  Samaritans  was 
not  more  bitter  than  the  enmity  between  the  Tlascalans 
and  the  people  of  the  city  of  Anahuac. 

When  Cortes  drew  near  Tlascala,  the  senate  debated 
what  course  it  should  pursue  toward  him.  One  of 
the  four  regents,  so  called,  of  the  republic  was  a  man 
of  great  age,  feeble  and  blind,  but  resolute  of  spirit. 
His  name  was  Xicotencatl.  He  was  all  for  war.  He 
was  opposed  by  a  young  man  named  Maxixcatzin. 
The  debate  between  the  two  and  the  other  participants 
was  long  and  furious.  Finally  the  desire  of  Xicotencatl 
prevailed  in  a  modified  form.  There  was  a  tribe 
occupying  part  of  the  Tlascalan  territory  and  under 
Tlascalan  rule  called  Otumies.  It  was  decided  to 
cause  the  Otumies  to  attack  Cortes  and  his  force. 
If  Cortes  was  annihilated,  the  problem  would  be 
solved.  If  the  Otumies  were  defeated  their  action 
would  be  disavowed  by  the  Tlascalans  and  no  harm 
would  be    done    to    anybody    but    the    unfortunate 


142  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Otumies,  for  whom  no  one  in  Tlascala  felt  any  great 
concern. 

The  Otumies  were  placed  in  the  front  of  the  battle, 
but  the  Tlascalans  themselves  followed  under  the 
command  of  another  Xicotencatl,  son  of  the  old  regent, 
who  was  a  tried  and  brilliant  soldier.  The  battles 
along  the  coast  had  been  more  like  massacres,  but  this 
was  a  real  fight,  and  a  number  of  Spaniards  were 
killed,  three  horses  also,  more  valuable  than  the  men, 
were  despatched,  and  at  the  close  of  the  engagement 
the  Spaniards  had  lost  about  fifty,  a  serious  diminution 
of  the  forces  of  Cortes,  but  the  unfortunate  Otumies 
and  the  Tlascalans  were  overwhelmed  with  a  fearful 
slaughter.  Of  course,  the  action  of  the  Otumies  was 
disavowed,  Cortes  was  invited  into  Tlascala  and  an 
alliance  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  republic  was 
consummated.  The  Tlascalans  threw  themselves,  heart 
and  soul,  into  the  project,  which  they  dimly  perceived 
was  in  the  mind  of  Cortes,  the  conquest  of  Mexico. 
Nothing  was  said  about  all  of  this.  Cortes  simply 
declared  his  design  to  pay  a  friendly  visit  to  Montezuma 
to  whom  he  sent  repeated  and  solemn  assurances 
that  he  intended  him  no  harm,  that  Montezuma  could 
receive  him  with  the  utmost  frankness  and  without 
fear  and  without  anticipating  any  violence  whatever 
on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards.  But  the  wise  in  Tlascala 
knew  that  a  collision  between  the  Spaniards  and  the 
Aztecs  would  be  inevitable.  They  saw  a  chance  to 
feed  fat  their  ancient  grudge,  and  to  exact  bitter 
revenge  for  all  that  they  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
the  Aztecs. 

To  anticipate,  they  were  faithful  to  the  alliance 
and  loyally  carried  out  their  part  of  the  agreement 
in  the  resulting  campaigns.     Without  them  on  several 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  143 

occasions  Cortes'  fortunes  would  have  been  even 
more  desperate  than  they  were.  Montezuma's  envoys, 
heartily  detesting  the  Tlascalans,  sought  to  persuade 
Cortes  against  any  dealings  with  them  whatsoever. 
They  gave  a  very  bad  character  to  the  dusky  allies 
of  the  Spaniards  and  the  Tlascalans  returned  the 
compliment  in  kind. 

When  his  wounded  had  recovered,  accompanied 
by  a  large  army  of  Tlascalans  under  young  Xicotencatl, 
Cortes  set  forth  about  the  middle  of  October  on  the 
last  stage  of  his  wonderful  journey.  By  this  time, 
Montezuma  had  concluded  to  make  a  virtue  out  of  a 
necessity,  and  he  had  sent  word  to  him  that  he  would 
welcome  him  to  his  capital.  He  received  return  reitera- 
tions of  the  statement  that  Cortes'  intentions  were 
entirely  pacific,  that  he  represented  the  greatest  monarch 
in  the  world  who  lived  beyond  the  seas,  and  all  that 
he  would  require  of  Montezuma  was  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  his  dependence  in  common  with  every  earthly 
monarch  upon  this  mysterious  potentate  across  the 
ocean.  This  Montezuma  was  quite  willing  to  give. 
He  was  also  willing  to  pay  any  tribute  exacted  if  only 
these  children  of  the  Sun  would  go  away,  and  he  could 
be  left  to  the  undisturbed  enjoyment  of  his  kingdom. 

He  suggested  a  way  for  Cortes  to  approach  the 
capital.  The  Tlascalans  did  some  scouting  and 
informed  Cortes  that  the  way  was  filled  with  pitfalls, 
blocked  with  stones,  and  the  opportunities  for  ambus- 
cade were  many  and  good.  No  one  can  blame  Monte- 
zuma for  taking  these  precautions,  although  he  after- 
wards disowned  any  participation  in  them  and  said 
that  the  arrangements  had  been  made  by  some  irrespon- 
sible subjects,  and  Cortes  passed  it  over. 

The  Tlascalans,  who  knew  all  the  passes  of  the 


144  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

mountains,  offered  to  lead  Cortes  and  his  followers 
by  another  way.  Although  he  was  warned  not  to 
trust  them  by  the  envoys  of  Montezuma,  Cortes  with 
that  judgment  of  men  which  so  distinguished  him, 
elected  the  harder  and  shorter  way  across  the  mountains. 
Nature  had  made  the  pass  a  difficult  one,  but  the 
indomitable  Spaniards  struggled  over  it,  enduring 
terrible  fatigue  and  periods  of  piercing  cold.  They 
got  far  above  the  timber  line  and  approached  the 
boundaries  of  eternal  snow.  It  is  characteristic  of 
them,  that  on  one  point  of  their  journey,  they  stopped 
and  despatched  a  party  under  Ordaz  to  scale  and 
explore  the  smoking  volcano  Popocatepetl,  which  with 
Ixtaccihuatl  guarded  the  beautiful  valley  of  Mexico, 
Ordaz  and  his  twelve  companions  followed  the  guides 
as  far  as  they  would  lead  them  and  then  they  climbed 
far  up  the  sides.  They  were  unable  to  reach  the  top, 
but  they  accomplished  a  prodigious  ascent,  and  Ordaz 
was  afterwards  allowed  to  add  to  his  coat  of  arms 
a  flaming  volcano. 

The  summit  of  the  mountain  was  at  last  passed, 
and  the  magnificent  valley  of  Mexico  opened  to  their 
view.  It  was  a  scene  which  caused  even  the  hearts 
of  these  rugged  and  hardened  adventurers  to  thrill 
with  pleasure  and  satisfaction.  No  fairer  land  had 
ever  burst  upon  human  vision.  The  emerald  verdure 
was  broken  by  beautiful  lakes,  bordered  by  luxuriant 
vegetation,  diversified  by  mountains  and  plateaus, 
while  here  and  there  magnificent  cities  glistened  in 
the  brilliant  tropical  sun  among  the  sparkling 
waters.  As  far  as  one  could  see  the  land  was  under 
cultivation. 

The  descent  of  the  mountains  was  easy,  compara- 
tively speaking,  and  the  Spaniards,  after  some  journey- 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  145 

ing,  found  themselves  in  the  populous  and  wealthy 
city  of  Cholula,  remarkable  for  the  splendid  pyramid 
temple  —  Teocalli  —  which  rose  in  the  centre  of  its 
encircling  walls. 

Here  a  plan  was  devolved  to  massacre  the  whole 
force  which  had  been  quartered  in  one  of  the  vast 
palaces  or  houses  of  the  town.  The  women  and  the 
children  left  the  city  in  large  numbers,  a  vast  body 
of  Mexican  soldiers  was  secretly  assembled  near  by. 
The  provisions,  which  had  always  been  supplied  them 
generously,  were  suddenly  withdrawn.  The  suspicions 
of  the  Spaniards  were  of  course  awakened  and  extra 
good  watch  was  kept.  They  did  not  know  what  to 
suspect,  until  a  Cholulan  woman,  who  had  formed 
an  acquaintance  with  Marina,  told  her  of  the  purpose 
of  the  Mexicans,  and  advised  her  to  flee  from  the 
Spanish  camp  if  she  valued  her  life.  The  faithful 
Marina  immediately  disclosed  the  whole  plan  to  Cortes. 
He  acted  with  remarkable  celerity  and  decision.  There 
were  many  Cholulan  lords  and  attendants  about  the 
Spanish  camp  and  there  were  many  others  in  town, 
evidently  to  lull  any  suspicions  which  the  Spaniards 
might  feel  and  to  make  whatever  excuse  they  could 
for  the  lack  of  provisions.  On  one  pretense  or  another, 
Cortes  summoned  the  whole  body  to  his  house,  which 
was  a  great  rambling  structure  of  many  rooms  and 
thick  walls  and  enclosures.  He  got  them  assembled 
in  one  room  and  then  proceeded  to  slaughter  most 
of  them,  reserving  only  a  few  for  use  after  the  event 
had  been  determined.  While  this  butchering  was 
going  on  he  sent  others  of  his  troops  into  the  streets 
and  squares  of  the  town,  where  they  killed  without 
hesitation  and  without  mercy  all  with  whom  they  came 
in   contact,  including  several  bodies  of  soldiers  who 


146  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

were  more  or  less  helpless  without  their  leaders,  whom 
Cortes  had  so  craftily  disposed  of. 

This  was  the  celebrated  massacre  of  Cholula. 
Whether  it  was  justifiable  or  not,  each  reader  must 
settle  for  himself.  Cortes '  situation  then  was  certainly 
desperate;  for  that  matter,  it  was  desperate  at  all  times. 
His  life  and  the  lives  of  his  comrades  hung  upon  a 
thread.  He  certainly  had  a  right  to  protect  himself. 
Personally,  I  do  not  think  such  a  slaughter  was  neces- 
sary for  his  protection.  However,  Cortes  thought  so, 
and  he  was  there.  It  was  his  life  that  was  concerned, 
and  not  mine.  Other  monarchs  in  more  civilized 
days  have  done  practically  the  same  as  this,  as  for 
instance,  the  famous  Barmecide  feast,  the  wholesale 
assassination  of  the  Abencerrages  in  Spain,  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  Mamelukes  by  Napoleon  in  Egypt,  and 
many  others. 

To  be  sure  these  massacres  did  not  include  the  helpless 
inhabitants  of  the  towns.  However,  with  his  usual 
policy,  Cortes  spared  some  of  the  Cholulan  lords  and 
when  he  had  shown  his  power  over  them,  he  released 
them  and  told  them  to  summon  back  the  people  who 
had  left  the  city.  He  had  no  more  trouble  with  the 
Cholulans  after  that  victory,  and  he  presently  took 
up  his  journey  toward  Mexico. 

Now,  the  City  of  Mexico  to  the  Spaniards  was  one 
of  the  wonders  of  the  world.  They  have  described 
it  in  such  terms  as  show  the  impression  it  made  upon 
them,  but  they  have  not  described  it  in  such  terms 
as  to  enable  us  to  understand  from  their  stories  exactly 
what  the  city  was.  It  was  described  as  an  island 
city.  Some  believed  it  to  have  been  an  enormous 
Pueblo  city,  such  as  may  be  seen  in  Arizona  or  New 
Mexico,   surrounded    by   thousands   of  squalid   huts. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  147 

Others  conjectured  it  as  a  city  as  beautiful  as  Venice, 
as  great  as  Babylon,  and  as  wonderful  as  hundred- 
gated  Thebes. 

Cortes  shall  tell  himself  the  impression  it  made  upon 
him  in  the  next  section  which  is  lifted  bodily  from  one 
of  his  famous  letters  to  the  emperor  Charles  V. 

VI.     Cortes'  Description  of  Mexico,  written  by  his  own 

hand  to  Charles  V.,  Emperor  of  Germany 

and  King  of  Spain 

In  order,  most  potent  Sire,  to  convey  to  your  Majesty 
a  just  conception  of  the  great  extent  of  this  noble  city 
of  Temixtitan,  and  of  the  many  rare  and  wonderful 
objects  it  contains;  of  the  government  and  dominions 
of  Muteczuma,  the  sovereign;  of  the  religious  rites  and 
customs  that  prevail,  and  the  order  that  exists  in  this 
as  well  as  other  cities,  appertaining  to  his  realm;  it 
would  require  the  labor  of  many  accomplished  writers, 
and  much  time  for  the  completion  of  the  task.  I  shall 
not  be  able  to  relate  an  hundredth  part  of  what  could 
be  told  respecting  these  matters;  but  I  will  endeavor 
to  describe,  in  the  best  manner  in  my  power,  what  I 
have  myself  seen;  and,  imperfectly  as  I  may  succeed  in 
that  attempt,  I  am  fully  aware  that  the  account  will 
appear  so  wonderful  as  to  be  deemed  scarcely  worthy 
of  credit;  since  even  we  who  have  seen  these  things 
with  our  own  eyes,  are  yet  so  amazed  as  to  be  unable 
to  comprehend  their  reality.  But  your  Majesty  may 
be  assured  that  if  there  is  any  fault  in  my  relation, 
either  in  regard  to  the  present  subject,  or  to  any  other 
matters  of  which  I  shall  give  your  Majesty  an  account, 
it  will  arise  from  too  great  brevity  rather  than  extrava- 
gance or  prolixity  in  the  details;  and  it  seems  to  me 


148  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

but  just  to  my  Prince  and  Sovereign  to  declare  the 
truth  in  the  clearest  manner,  without  saying  anything 
that  would  detract  from  it,  or  add  to  it. 

Before  I  begin  to  describe  this  great  city  and  the  others 
already  mentioned,  it  may  be  well  for  the  better  under- 
standing of  the  subject  to  say  something  of  the  configura- 
tion of  Mexico,*  in  which  they  are  situated,  it  being  the 
principal  seat  of  Muteczuma's  power.  This  province 
is  in  the  form  of  a  circle,  surrounded  on  all  sides  by 
lofty  and  rugged  mountains;  its  level  surface  comprises 
an  area  of  about  seventy  leagues  in  circumference, 
including  two  lakes,  that  overspread  nearly  the  whole 
valley,  being  navigated  by  boats  more  than  fifty 
leagues  round.  One  of  these  lakes  contains  fresh,  and 
the  other,  which  is  the  larger  of  the  two,  salt  water.  On 
one  side  of  the  lakes,  in  the  middle  of  the  valley,  a  range 
of  highlands  divides  them  from  one  another,  with  the 
exception  of  a  narrow  strait  which  lies  between  the 
highlands  and  the  lofty  sierras.  This  strait  is  a  bow- 
shot wide,  and  connects  the  two  lakes;  and  by  this 
means  a  trade  is  carried  on  by  the  cities  and  other 
settlement  on  the  lakes  in  canoes,  without  the  neces- 
sity of  traveling  by  land.  As  the  salt  lake  rises  and 
falls  with  the  tides  like  the  sea,  during  the  time  of  high 
water  it  pours  into  the  other  lake  with  the  rapidity  of 
a  powerful  stream;  and  on  the  other  hand,  when  the 
tide  has  ebbed,  the  water  runs  from  the  fresh  into  the 
salt  lake. 

This  great  city  of  Temixtitan  (Mexico)  is  situated 
in  this  salt  lake,  and  from  the  main  land  to  the  denser 
parts  of  it,  by  which  ever  route  one  choses  to  enter, 

♦Cortes  applies  this  name  to  the  province  in  which  the  city,called  by  him  Temixtitan, 
more  properly  Tenochtitlan,  but  now  Mexico,  was  situated.  Throughout  this  article 
the  curious  spelling  of  the  great  conqueror  is  retained  as  he  wrote. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  149 

the  distance  is  two  leagues.  There  are  four  avenues 
or  entrances  to  the  city,  all  of  which  are  formed  by 
artificial  causeways,  two  spears'  length  in  width.  The 
city  is  as  large  as  Seville  or  Cordova;  its  streets,  I  speak 
of  principal  ones,  are  very  wide  and  straight;  some  of 
these,  and  all  the  inferior  ones,  are  half  land  and  half 
water,  and  are  navigated  by  canoes.  All  the  streets 
at  intervals  have  openings,  through  which  the  water 
flows,  crossing  from  one  street  to  another;  and  at  these 
openings,  some  of  which  are  very  wide,  there  are  also 
very  wide  bridges,  composed  of  large  pieces  of  lumber, 
of  great  strength  and  well  put  together;  on  many  of 
these  bridges  ten  horses  can  go  abreast.  Foreseeing 
that  if  the  inhabitants  of  this  city  should  prove  treach- 
erous, they  would  possess  great  advantages  from  the 
manner  in  which  the  city  is  constructed,  since  by 
removing  the  bridges  at  the  entrances  and  abandon- 
ing the  place,  they  could  leave  us  to  perish  by  famine 
without  our  being  able  to  reach  the  mainland  —  as 
soon  as  I  had  entered  it,  I  made  great  haste  to  build 
four  brigantines,  which  were  soon  finished,  and  were 
large  enough  to  take  ashore  three  hundred  men  and 
the  horses,  whenever  it  became  necessary. 

This  city  has  many  public  squares,  in  which  are 
situated  the  markets  and  other  places  for  buying  and 
selling.  There  is  one  square  twice  as  large  as  that 
of  the  city  of  Salamanca,  surrounded  by  porticoes, 
where  are  daily  assembled  more  than  sixty  thousand 
souls,  engaged  in  buying  and  selling;  and  where  are 
found  all  kinds  of  merchandise  that  the  world  affords, 
embracing  the  necessities  of  life,  as,  for  instance,  articles 
of  food,  as  well  as  jewels  of  gold,  silver,  lead,  brass,  cop- 
per, tin,  precious  stones, bones,  shells,  snails  and  feathers. 
There  were  also  exposed  for  sale  wrought  and  unwrought 


150  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

stone,  bricks  burnt  and  unburnt,  timber  hewn  and 
unhewn  of  different  sorts.  There  is  a  street  for  game, 
where  every  variety  of  birds  found  in  the  country  is 
sold,  as  fowls,  partridges,  quails,  wild  ducks,  fly-catchers, 
widgeons,  turtle-doves,  pigeons,  reedbirds,  parrots, 
sparrows,  eagles,  hawks,  owls,  and  kestrels;  they  sell, 
likewise,  the  skins  of  some  birds  of  prey,  with  their 
feathers,  head  and  beak  and  claws.  There  they  also 
sold  rabbits,  hares,  deer,  and  little  dogs  which  are 
raised  for  eating  and  castrated.  There  is  also  an  herb 
street,  where  may  be  obtained  all  sorts  of  roots  and 
medicinal  herbs  that  the  country  affords.  There  are 
apothecaries'  shops,  where  prepared  medicines,  liquids, 
ointments,  and  plasters  are  sold;  barber  shops  where 
they  wash  and  shave  the  head;  and  restauranteurs  that 
furnish  food  and  drink  at  a  certain  price.  There  is 
also  a  class  of  men  like  those  called  in  Castile  porters, 
for  carrying  burdens.  Wood  and  coal  are  seen  in 
abundance,  and  brasiers  of  earthenware  for  burning 
coals;  mats  of  various  kinds  for  beds,  others  of  a  lighter 
sort  for  seats,  and  for  halls  and  bedrooms.  There  are 
all  kinds  of  green  vegetables,  especially  onions,  leeks, 
garlic,  watercresses,  nasturtium,  borage,  sorel,  arti- 
chokes, and  golden  thistle-fruits  also  of  numerous 
descriptions,  amongst  which  are  cherries  and  plums, 
similar  to  those  in  Spain;  honey  and  wax  from  bees, 
and  from  the  stalks  of  maize,  which  are  as  sweet  as  the 
sugar-cane;  honey  is  also  extracted  from  the  plant 
called  maguey,*  which  is  superior  to  sweet  or  new  wine; 
from  the  same  plant  they  extract  sugar  and  wine, 
which  they  also  sell.     Different  kinds  of  cotton  thread 

*  This  is  the  plant  known  in  this  country  under  the  name  of  the  Century  Plant,  which 
is  still  much  cultivated  in  Mexico  for  the  purposes  mentioned  by  Cortes.  It  usually 
flowers  when  eight  or  ten  years  old. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  151 

of  all  colors  in  skeins  are  exposed  for  sale  in  one 
quarter  of  the  market,  which  has  the  appearance  of  the 
silk  market  at  Granada,  although  the  former  is  sup- 
plied more  abundantly.  Painter's  colors,  as  numer- 
ous as  can  be  found  in  Spain,  and  as  fine  shades;  deer- 
skins dressed  and  undressed,  dyed  different  colors; 
earthenware  of  a  large  size  and  excellent  quality; 
large  and  small  jars,  jugs,  pots,  bricks,  and  an  endless 
variety  of  vessels,  all  made  of  fine  clay,  and  all  or  most 
of  them  glazed  and  painted;  maize  or  Indian  corn,  in 
the  grain,  and  in  the  form  of  bread,  preferred  in  the 
grain  for  its  flavor  to  that  of  the  other  islands  and 
terra  firma;  p&tes  of  birds  and  fish;  great  quantities  of 
fish,  fresh,  salt,  cooked  and  uncooked;  the  eggs  of  hens, 
geese  and  of  all  the  other  birds  I  have  mentioned,  in 
great  abundance,  and  cakes  made  of  eggs;  finally, 
everything  that  can  be  found  throughout  the  whole 
country  is  sold  in  the  markets,  comprising  articles  so 
numerous  that,  to  avoid  prolixity  and  because  their 
names  are  not  retained  in  my  memory,  or  are  unknown 
to  me,  I  shall  not  attempt  to  enumerate  them.  Every 
kind  of  merchandise  is  sold  in  a  particular  street  or 
quarter  assigned  to  it  exclusively,  and  thus  the  best 
order  is  preserved.  They  sell  everything  by  number 
or  measure;  at  least,  so  far  we  have  not  observed  them 
to  sell  anything  by  weight.  There  is  a  building  in  the 
great  square  that  is  used  as  an  audience  house,  where 
ten  or  twelve  persons,  who  are  magistrates,  sit  and 
decide  all  controversies  that  arise  in  the  market,  and 
order  delinquents  to  be  punished.  In  the  same  square 
there  are  other  persons  who  go  constantly  about  among 
the  people  observing  what  is  sold,  and  the  measures 
used  in  selling;  and  they  have  been  seen  to  break 
measures  that  were  not  true. 


152  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

This  great  city  contains  a  large  number  of  temples  * 
or  houses  for  their  idols,  very  handsome  edifices, 
which  are  situated  in  the  different  districts  and  the 
suburbs;  in  the  principal  ones  religious  persons  of  each 
particular  sect  are  constantly  residing,  for  whose  use, 
beside  the  houses  containing  the  idols,  there  are  other 
convenient  habitations.  All  these  persons  dress  in 
black  and  never  cut  or  comb  their  hair  from  the  time 
they  enter  the  priesthood  until  they  leave  it;  and  all 
the  sons  of  the  principal  inhabitants,  both  nobles  and 
respectable  citizens,  are  placed  in  the  temples  and 
wear  the  same  dress  from  the  age  of  seven  or  eight  years 
until  they  are  taken  out  to  be  married;  which  occurs 
more  frequently  with  the  firstborn,  who  inherits  estates, 
than  with  the  others.  The  priests  are  debarred  from 
female  society,  nor  is  any  woman  permitted  to  enter 
the  religious  houses.  They  also  abstain  from  eating 
certain  kinds  of  food,  more  at  some  seasons  of  the  year 
than  others.  Among  these  temples  there  is  one  which 
far  surpasses  all  the  rest,  whose  grandeur  of  architec- 
tural details  no  human  tongue  is  able  to  describe; 
for  within  its  precincts,  surrounded  by  a  lofty  wall, 
there  is  room  for  a  town  of  five  hundred  families. 
Around  the  interior  of  this  enclosure  there  are  hand- 
some edifices,  containing  large  halls  and  corridors,  in 
which  the  religious  persons  attached  to  the  temple 
reside.  There  are  full  forty  towers,  which  are  lofty 
and  well  built,  the  largest  of  which  has  fifty  steps 
leading  to  its  main  body,  and  is  higher  than  the  tower 
of  the  principal  church  at  Seville.  The  stone  and 
wood  of  which  they  are  constructed  are  so  well  wrought 

*  The  original  has  the  word  Mezquitas,  mosques;  but  as  the  term  is  applied  in  Eng- 
lish exclusively  to  Mohammedan  places  of  worship,  one  of  more  general  application 
is  used  in  the  translation. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  153 

in  every  part,  that  nothing  could  be  better  done,  for  the 
interior  of  the  chapels  containing  the  idols  consists 
of  curious  imagery,  wrought  in  stone,  with  plaster 
ceilings,  and  woodwork  carved  in  relief,  and  painted 
with  figures  of  monsters  and  other  objects.  All  these 
towers  are  the  burial  places  of  the  nobles,  and  every 
chapel  of  them  is  dedicated  to  a  particular  idol,  to 
which  they  pay  their  devotions. 

There  are  three  halls  in  this  grand  temple,  which 
contain  the  principal  idols;  these  are  of  wonderful  extent 
and  height,  and  admirable  workmanship,  adorned 
with  figures  sculptured  in  stone  and  wood;  leading 
from  the  halls  are  chapels  with  very  small  doors,  to 
which  the  light  is  not  admitted,  nor  are  any  persons 
except  the  priests,  and  not  all  of  them.  In  these 
chapels  are  the  images  or  idols,  although,  as  I  have 
before  said,  many  of  them  are  also  found  on  the  outside; 
the  principal  ones,  in  which  the  people  have  greatest 
faith  and  confidence,  I  precipitated  from  their  pedes- 
tals, and  cast  them  down  the  steps  of  the  temple, 
purifying  the  chapels  in  which  they  stood,  as  they  were 
all  polluted  with  human  blood,  shed  in  the  sacrifices. 
In  the  place  of  these  I  put  images  of  Our  Lady  and  the 
Saints,  which  excited  not  a  little  feeling  in  Muteczuma 
and  the  inhabitants,  who  at  first  remonstrated,  declar- 
ing that  if  my  proceedings  were  known  throughout 
the  country,  the  people  would  rise  against  me;  for  they 
believed  that  their  idols  bestowed  upon  them  all  tem- 
poral good,  and  if  they  permitted  them  to  be  ill-treated, 
they  would  be  angry  and  withhold  their  gifts,  and  by 
this  means  the  people  would  be  deprived  of  the  fruits 
of  the  earth  and  die  of  famine.  I  answered,  through 
the  interpreters,  that  they  were  deceived  in  expect- 
ing   any    favors    from  idols,   the  work  of  their  own 


154  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

hands,  formed  of  unclean  things;  and  that  they  must 
learn  there  was  but  one  God,  the  universal  Lord  of  all, 
who  had  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  and  all 
things  else,  and  had  made  them  and  us;  that  He  was 
without  beginning  and  immortal,  and  that  they  were- 
bound  to  adore  and  believe  Him,  and  no  other  creature 
or  thing.  I  said  everything  to  them  I  could  to  divert 
them  from  their  idolatries,  and  draw  them  to  a  knowl- 
edge of  God  our  Lord.  Muteczuma  replied,  the 
others  assenting  to  what  he  said:  "That  they  had 
already  informed  me  that  they  were  not  the  aborigines 
of  the  country,  but  that  their  ancestors  had  emigrated 
to  it  many  years  ago;  and  they  fully  believed,  after  so 
long  an  absence  from  their  native  land,  they  might 
have  fallen  into  some  errors;  that  I,  having  been 
recently  arrived,  must  know  better  than  themselves 
what  they  ought  to  believe;  and  that  if  I  would  instruct 
them  in  these  matters,  and  make  them  understand 
the  true  faith,  they  would  follow  my  directions,  as 
being  for  the  best."  Afterward  Muteczuma  and 
many  of  the  principal  citizens  remained  with  me 
until  I  had  removed  the  idols,  purified  the  chapels, 
and  placed  images  in  them,  manifesting  apparent 
pleasure;  and  I  forbade  them  sacrificing  human  beings 
to  their  idols,  as  they  had  been  accustomed  to  do; 
because,  besides  being  abhorrent  in  the  sight  of  God, 
your  sacred  Majesty  had  prohibited  it  by  law  and 
commanded  to  put  to  death  whoever  should  take  the 
life  of  another.  Thus,  from  that  time,  they  refrained 
from  the  practice,  and  during  the  whole  period  of  my 
abode  in  that  city,  they  were  never  seen  to  kill  or 
sacrifice  a  human  being. 

The  figures  of  the  idols  in  which  these  people  believe 
surpass  in  stature  a  person  of  more  than  the  ordinary 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  155 

size;  some  of  them  are  composed  of  a  mass  of  seeds 
and  leguminous  plants,  such  as  are  used  for  food, 
ground  and  mixed  together,  and  kneaded  with  the  blood 
of  human  hearts  taken  from  the  breasts  of  living  per- 
sons, from  which  a  paste  is  formed  in  a  sufficient  quan- 
tity to  form  large  statues.  When  these  are  com- 
pleted they  make  them  offerings  of  the  hearts  of  other 
victims,  which  they  sacrifice  to  them,  and  besmear  their 
faces  with  the  blood.  For  everything  they  have  an 
idol,  consecrated  by  the  use  of  the  nations  that  in 
ancient  times  honored  the  same  gods.  Thus  they 
have  an  idol  that  they  petition  for  victory  in  war; 
another  for  success  in  their  labors;  and  so  for  every- 
thing in  which  they  seek  or  desire  prosperity,  they 
have  their  idols,  which  they  honor  and  serve. 

This  noble  city  contains  many  fine  and  magnificent 
houses;  which  may  be  accounted  for  from  the  fact  that 
all  the  nobility  of  the  country,  who  are  the  vassals  of 
Muteczuma,  have  houses  in  the  city,  in  which  they 
reside  a  certain  part  of  the  year;  and  besides,  there  are 
numerous  wealthy  citizens  who  also  possess  fine  houses. 
All  these  persons,  in  addition  to  the  large  and  spacious 
apartments  for  ordinary  purposes,  have  others,  both 
upper  and  lower,  that  contain  conservatories  of  flowers. 
Along  one  of  the  causeways  that  lead  into  the  city  are 
laid  two  pipes,  constructed  of  masonry,  each  of  which 
is  two  paces  in  width,  and  about  five  feet  in  height. 
An  abundant  supply  of  excellent  water,  forming  a 
volume  equal  in  bulk  to  the  human  body,  is  conveyed 
by  one  of  these  pipes,  and  distributed  about  the  city, 
where  it  is  used  by  the  inhabitants  for  drinking  and 
other  purposes.  The  other  pipe,  in  the  meantime,  is 
kept  empty  until  the  former  requires  to  be  cleansed, 
when  the  water  is  let  into  it;  and  continues  to  be  used 


156  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

until  the  cleansing  is  finished.  As  the  water  is  neces- 
sarily carried  over  bridges  on  account  of  the  salt  water 
crossing  its  route,  reservoirs  resembling  canals  are 
constructed  on  the  bridges,  through  which  the  fresh 
water  is  conveyed.  These  reservoirs  are  of  the  breadth 
of  the  body  of  an  ox,  and  of  the  same  length  as  the 
bridges.  The  whole  city  is  thus  served  with  water, 
which  they  carry  in  canoes  through  all  the  streets  for 
sale,  taking  it  from  the  aqueduct  in  the  following  man- 
ner: the  canoes  pass  under  the  bridges  on  which  the 
reservoirs  are  placed,  when  men  stationed  above  fill 
them  with  water,  for  which  service  they  are  paid.  At 
all  the  entrances  of  the  city,  and  in  those  parts  where 
the  canoes  are  discharged,  that  is,  where  the  greatest 
quantity  of  provisions  is  brought  in,  huts  are  erected 
and  persons  stationed  as  guards,  who  receive  a  cerium 
quid  for  everything  that  enters.  I  know  not  whether 
the  sovereign  receives  this  duty  or  the  city,  as  I  have 
not  yet  been  informed;  but  I  believe  that  it  apper- 
tains to  the  sovereign,  as  in  the  markets  of  other  pro- 
vinces a  tax  is  collected  for  the  benefit  of  their  cacique. 
In  all  the  markets  and  public  places  of  this  city  are 
seen  daily  many  laborers  and  persons  of  various 
employments  waiting  for  some  one  to  hire  them.  The 
inhabitants  of  this  city  pay  a  greater  regard  to  style  in 
their  mode  of  living,  and  are  more  attentive  to  ele- 
gance of  dress  and  politeness  of  manners,  than  those  of 
the  other  provinces  and  cities;  since  as  the  Cacique  * 
Muteczuma  has  his  residence  in  the  capital,  and  all 

*  The  title  invariably  given  to  Muteczuma  (or  Montezuma)  in  these  dispatches 
is  simply  Senor,  in  its  sense  of  Lord  or  (to  use  an  Indian  word)  Cacique;  which  is  also 
given  to  the  chiefs  or  governors  of  districts  or  provinces,  whether  independent  or  feuda- 
tories. The  title  of  Emperador  (Emperor),  how  generally  applied  to  the  Mexican 
ruler,  is  never  conferred  on  him  by  Cortes,  nor  any  other  implying  royality,  although 
in  the  beginning  of  this  despatch,  hs  assures  Charles  V.  that  the  country  is  extensive 
enough  to  constitute  an  empire. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  157 

the  nobility,  his  vassals,  are  in  the  constant  habit  of 
meeting  there,  a  general  courtesy  of  demeanour  neces- 
sarily prevails.  But  not  to  be  prolix  in  describing 
what  relates  to  the  affairs  of  this  great  city,  although 
it  is  with  difficulty  that  I  refrain  from  proceeding.  I 
will  say  no  more  than  that  the  manners  of  the  people, 
as  shown  in  their  intercourse  with  one  another,  are 
marked  by  as  great  an  attention  to  the  proprieties  of  life 
as  in  Spain,  and  good  order  is  equally  well  observed; 
and  considering  that  they  are  a  barbarous  people, 
without  the  knowledge  of  God,  having  no  intercourse 
with  civilized  nations,  these  traits  of  character  are 
worthy  of  admiration. 

In  regard  to  the  domestic  appointments  of  Mutec- 
zuma,  and  the  wonderful  grandeur  and  state  he  main- 
tains, there  is  so  much  to  be  told,  that  I  assure  your 
Majesty  I  do  not  know  where  to  begin  my  relation,  so 
as  to  be  able  to  finish  any  part  of  it.  For,  as  I  have 
already  stated,  what  can  be  more  wonderful,  than  that 
a  barbarous  monarch,  as  he  is,  should  have  every 
object  found  in  his  dominions,  imitated  in  gold,  silver, 
precious  stones  and  feathers  ?  —  the  gold  and  silver 
being  wrought  so  naturally  as  not  to  be  surpassed 
by  any  smith  in  the  world;  the  stone  work  executed 
with  such  perfection  that  is  it  difficult  to  conceive  what 
instruments  could  have  been  used;  and  the  feather 
work  superior  to  the  finest  productions  in  wax  and 
embroidery.  The  extent  of  Muteczuma's  dominions 
has  not  been  ascertained,  since  to  whatever  point  he 
despatched  his  messengers,  even  two  hundred  leagues 
from  his  capital,  his  commands  were  obeyed,  although 
some  of  his  provinces  were  in  the  midst  of  countries 
with  which  he  was  at  war.  But  as  nearly  as  I  have 
been  able  to  learn,  his  territories  are  equal  in  extent 


158  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

to  Spain  itself,  for  he  sent  messengers  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  a  city  called  Cumatan  (requiring  them  to 
become  subjects  of  Your  Majesty),  which  is  sixty 
leagues  beyond  that  part  of  Putunchan  watered  by 
the  river  Grijalva,  and  two  hundred  and  thirty  leagues 
distant  from  the  great  city;  and  I  sent  some  of  our  people 
a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  in  the  same 
direction.  All  the  principal  chiefs  of  these  provinces, 
especially  those  in  the  vicinity  of  the  capital,  reside, 
as  I  have  already  stated,  the  greater  part  of  the  year 
in  that  great  city,  and  all  or  most  of  them  have  their 
oldest  sons  in  the  service  of  Muteczuma.  There  are 
fortified  places  in  all  the  provinces,  garrisoned  with 
his  own  men,  where  are  also  stationed  his  governors 
and  collectors  of  the  rent  and  tribute,  rendered  him 
by  every  province;  and  an  account  is  kept  of  what 
each  is  obliged  to  pay,  as  they  have  characters  and 
figures  made  on  paper  that  are  used  for  this  purpose. 
Each  province  renders  a  tribute  of  its  own  particular 
productions,  so  that  the  sovereign  receives  a  great 
variety  of  articles  from  different  quarters.  No  prince 
was  ever  more  feared  by  his  subjects,  both  in  his  pres- 
ence and  absence.  He  possessed  out  of  the  city  as 
well  as  within,  numerous  villas,  each  of  which  had  its 
peculiar  sources  of  amusement,  and  all  were  con- 
structed in  the  best  possible  manner  for  the  use  of 
a  great  prince  and  lord.  Within  the  city  his  palaces 
were  so  wonderful  that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  describe 
their  beauty  and  extent;  I  can  only  say  that  in  Spain 
there  is  nothing  to  equal  them. 

There  was  one  palace  somewhat  inferior  to  the 
rest,  attached  to  which  was  a  beautiful  garden  with 
balconies  extending  over  it,  supported  by  marble  col- 
umns, and  having  a  floor  formed  of  jasper  elegantly 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  159 

laid.  There  were  apartments  in  this  palace  sufficient 
to  lodge  two  princes  of  the  highest  rank  with  their 
retinues.  There  were  likewise  belonging  to  it  ten 
pools  of  water,  in  which  were  kept  the  different  species 
of  water  birds  found  in  this  country,  of  which  there  is 
a  great  variety,  all  of  which  are  domesticated ;  for  the 
sea  birds  there  were  pools  of  salt  water,  and  for  the 
river  birds,  of  fresh  water.  The  water  is  let  off  at 
certain  times  to  keep  it  pure,  and  is  replenished  by 
means  of  pipes.  Each  species  of  bird  is  supplied  with 
the  food  natural  to  it,  which  it  feeds  upon  when  wild. 
Thus  fish  is  given  to  birds  that  usually  eat  it;  worms, 
maize  and  the  finer  seeds,  to  such  as  prefer  them. 
And  I  assure  Your  Highness,  that  to  the  birds  accus- 
tomed to  eat  fish,  there  is  given  the  enormous  quantity 
of  ten  arrobas*  every  day,  taken  in  the  salt  lake.  The 
emperor  has  three  hundred  men  whose  sole  employ- 
ment is  to  take  care  of  these  birds;  and  there  are  others 
whose  only  business  is  to  attend  to  the  birds  that  are 
in  bad  health. 

Over  the  pools  for  the  birds  there  are  corridors  and 
galleries  to  which  Muteczuma  resorts,  and  from  which 
he  can  look  out  and  amuse  himself  with  the  sight  of 
them.  There  is  an  apartment  in  the  same  palace, 
in  which  are  men,  women,  and  children,  whose  faces, 
bodies,  hair,  eyebrows,  and  eyelashes  are  white  from 
birth.  The  cacique  has  another  very  beautiful  palace, 
with  a  large  courtyard,  paved  with  handsome  flags, 
in  the  style  of  a  chess-board.  There  were  also  cages, 
about  nine  feet  in  height  and  six  paces  square,  each  of 
which  was  half  covered  with  a  roof  of  tiles,  and  the 
other  half  had  over  it  a  wooden  grate,  skilfully  made. 
Every  cage  contains  a  bird  of  prey,  of  all  the  species 

*  Two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  weight. 


160  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

found  in  Spain,  from  the  kestrel  to  the  eagle,  and 
many  unknown  there.  There  were  a  great  number  of 
each  kind,  and  in  the  covered  part  of  the  cages  there 
was  a  perch,  and  another  on  the  outside  of  the  grat- 
ing, the  former  of  which  the  birds  used  in  the  night- 
time, and  when  it  rained;  and  the  other  enabled  them 
to  enjoy  the  sun  and  air.  To  all  these  birds  fowl 
were  daily  given  for  food,  and  nothing  else.  There  were 
in  the  same  palace  several  large  halls  on  the  ground 
floor,  filled  with  immense  cages  built  of  heavy  pieces  of 
timber,  well  put  together,  in  all  or  most  of  which  were 
kept  lions,  tigers,  wolves,  foxes  and  a  variety  of  animals 
of  the  cat  tribe,  in  great  numbers,  which  were  also  fed 
on  fowls.  The  care  of  these  animals  and  birds  was 
assigned  to  three  hundred  men.  There  was  another 
palace  that  contained  a  number  of  men  and  women 
of  monstrous  size,  and  also  dwarfs,  and  crooked  and 
ill-formed  persons,  each  of  which  had  their  separate 
apartments.  These  also  had  their  respective  keepers. 
As  to  the  other  remarkable  things  that  the  ruler  had 
in  his  city  for  amusement,  I  can  only  say  that  they 
were  numerous  and  of  various  kinds. 

He  was  served  in  the  following  manner.  Every 
day  as  soon  as  it  was  light,  six  hundred  nobles  and  men 
of  rank  were  in  attendance  at  the  palace,  who  either 
sat  or  walked  about  the  halls  and  galleries,  and  passed 
their  time  in  conversation,  but  without  entering  the 
apartment  where  his  person  was.  The  servants  and 
attendants  of  these  nobles  remained  in  the  courtyards, 
of  which  there  were  two  or  three  of  great  extent,  and 
in  the  adjoining  street,  which  was  also  spacious. 
They  all  remained  in  attendance  from  morning  until 
night;  and  when  his  meals  were  served,  the  nobles  were 
likewise  served  with  equal  profusion,   and  their  ser- 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  161 

vants  and  secretaries  also  had  their  allowance.  Daily 
his  larder  and  wine-cellar  were  open  to  all  who  wished 
to  eat  and  drink.  The  meals  were  served  by  three  or 
four  hundred  youths,  who  brought  on  an  infinite 
variety  of  dishes;  indeed,  whenever  he  dined  or  supped 
the  table  was  loaded  with  every  kind  of  flesh,  fish, 
fruit,  and  vegetables  that  the  country  provided.  As 
the  climate  is  cold,  they  put  a  chafing-dish  with  live 
coals  under  every  plate  and  dish  to  keep  them  warm. 
The  meals  were  served  in  a  large  hall  where  Muteczuma 
was  accustomed  to  eat,  and  the  dishes  quite  filled  the 
room,  which  was  covered  with  mats  and  kept  very 
clean.  He  sat  on  small  cushions  curiously  wrought 
in  leather.  During  the  meals  there  were  present,  at 
a  little  distance  from  him,  five  or  six  elderly  caciques, 
to  whom  he  presented  some  of  the  food.  And  there 
was  constantly  in  attendance  one  of  the  servants,  who 
arranged  and  handed  the  dishes,  and  who  received 
from  others  whatever  was  wanted  for  the  supply  of  the 
table.  Both  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  every  meal, 
they  furnished  water  for  the  hands,  and  the  napkins 
used  on  these  occasions  were  never  used  a  second 
time;  this  was  the  case  also  with  the  plates  and  dishes, 
which  were  not  brought  again,  but  new  ones  in  place 
of  them;  it  was  also  the  same  with  the  chafing-dishes. 
He  is  also  dressed  every  day  in  four  different  suits, 
entirely  new,  which  he  never  wears  a  second  time. 
None  of  the  caciques  ever  enter  his  palace  with  their 
feet  covered,  and  when  those  for  whom  he  sends  enter 
his  presence,  they  incline  their  heads  and  look  down, 
bending  their  bodies;  and  when  they  address  him  they 
do  not  look  in  his  face;  this  arises  from  excessive  mod- 
esty and  reverence.  Whenever  Muteczuma  appeared 
in  public,  which  was  seldom  the  case,  all    those  who 


1 62  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

accompanied  him  or  whom  he  accidentally  met  in  the 
streets,  turned  away  without  looking  toward  him, 
and  others  prostrated  themselves  until  he  passed. 
One  of  the  nobles  always  preceded  him  on  these  occa- 
sions, carrying  three  slender  rods  erect,  which  I  sup- 
pose was  to  give  notice  of  the  approach  of  his  person. 
And  when  they  descended  from  the  litters,  he  took  one 
of  them  in  his  hands,  and  held  it  until  he  reached  the 
places  where  he  was  going.  So  many  and  various  were 
the  ceremonies  and  customs  observed  by  those  in  the 
service  of  Muteczuma,  that  more  space  than  I  can 
spare  would  be  required  for  the  details,  as  well  as  a 
better  memory  than  I  have  to  recollect  them;  since  no 
sultan  or  other  infidel  lord,  of  whom  any  knowledge 
now  exists,  ever  had  so  much  ceremonial  in  their 
courts. 

VII.     The  Meeting  with  Montezuma 

It  was  early  in  the  morning  of  November  the  8th, 
1519,  when  Cortes,  at  the  head  of  his  little  army,  rode 
over  one  of  the  long  causeways  and  into  the  city  to  his 
first  meeting  with  Montezuma.  As  no  one  can  tell 
better  than  he  what  happened,  I  here  insert  his  own, 
account  of  the  episode: 

"The  next  day  after  my  arrival  at  this  city,  I  departed 
on  my  route,  and  having  proceeded  half  a  league,  I 
entered  upon  a  causeway  that  extends  two  leagues 
through  the  centre  of  the  salt  lake,  until  it  reaches  the 
great  city  of  Temixtitan  (Mexico),  which  is  built  in  the 
middle  of  the  lake.     .     .     . 

"I  pursued  my  course  over  the  above-mentioned 
causeway,  and  having  proceeded  half  a  league  before 
arriving  at  the  body  of  the  city  of  Temixtitan,  I  found 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  163 

at  its  intersection  with  another  causeway,  which 
extends  from  this  point  to  terra  firma,  a  very  strong 
fortress  with  two  towers,  surrounded  by  a  double 
wall,  twelve  feet  in  height,  with  an  embattled  parapet, 
which  commands  the  two  causeways,  and  has  only 
two  gates,  one  for  the  entering  and  the  other  for  depart- 
ure. There  came  to  meet  me  at  this  place  nearly  a 
thousand  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  great 
city,  all  uniformly  dressed  according  to  their  custom 
in  very  rich  costumes;  and  as  soon  as  they  had  come 
within  speaking  distance,  each  one,  as  he  approached 
me,  performed  a  salutation  in  much  use  among  them, 
by  placing  his  hand  upon  the  ground  and  kissing  it; 
and  thus  I  was  kept  waiting  about  an  hour,  until  all 
had  performed  the  ceremony.  Connected  with  the 
city  is  a  wooden  bridge  ten  paces  wide,  where  the 
causeway  is  open  to  allow  the  water  free  ingress  and 
egress,  as  it  rises  and  falls;  and  also  for  the  security  of 
the  city,  as  they  can  remove  the  long  and  wide  beams 
of  which  the  bridge  is  formed,  and  replace  them  when- 
ever they  wish;  and  there  are  many  such  bridges  in 
different  parts  of  the  city,  as  Your  Highness  will  per- 
ceive hereafter  from  the  particular  account  I  shall  give 
of  it. 

"When  we  had  passed  the  bridge,  the  Senor  Mutec- 
zuma  came  out  to  receive  us,  attended  by  about  two 
hundred  nobles,  all  barefooted,  and  dressed  in  livery, or  a 
peculiar  garb  of  fine  cotton,  richer  than  is  usually  worn; 
they  came  in  two  processions  in  close  proximity  to  the 
houses  on  each  side  of  the  street,  which  is  very  wide  and 
beautiful,  and  so  straight  that  you  can  see  from  one 
end  of  it  to  the  other,  although  it  is  two-thirds  of  a 
league  in  length,  having  on  both  sides  large  and  ele- 
gant houses  and  temples.     Muteczuma  came  through 


164  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

the  centre  of  the  street,  attended  by  two  lords,  one  upon 
his  right  and  the  other  upon  his  left  hand,  one  of  whom 
was  the  same  nobleman  who,  as  I  have  mentioned, 
came  to  meet  me  in  a  litter,  and  the  other  was  the 
brother  of  Muteczuma,  lord  of  the  city  of  Iztapalapa, 
which  I  had  left  the  same  day;  all  three  were  dressed 
in  the  same  manner,  except  that  Muteczuma  wore 
shoes,  while  the  others  were  without  them.  He  was 
supported  in  the  arms  of  both,  and  as  we  approached, 
I  alighted  and  advanced  alone  to  salute  him;  but  the 
two  attendant  lords  stopped  me  to  prevent  my  touch- 
ing him,  and  they  and  he  both  performed  the  cere- 
mony of  kissing  the  ground;  after  which  he  directed 
his  brother  who  accompanied  him  to  remain  with  me; 
the  latter  accordingly  took  me  by  the  arm,  while  Mutec- 
zuma, with  his  other  attendant,  walked  a  short  dis- 
tance in  front  of  me,  and  after  he  had  spoken  to  me, 
all  the  other  nobles  also  came  up  to  address  me,  and 
then  went  away  in  two  processions  with  great  regular- 
ity, one  after  the  other,  and  in  this  manner  returned 
to  the  city.  At  the  time  I  advanced  to  speak  to 
Muteczuma,  I  took  off  from  myself  a  collar  of  pearls 
and  glass  diamonds,  and  put  it  around  his  neck.  After 
having  proceeded  along  the  street,  one  of  his  servants 
came  bringing  two  collars  formed  of  shell  fish,  enclosed 
in  a  roll  of  cloth,  which  were  made  from  the  shells  of 
colored  prawns  or  periwinkles,  held  by  them  in  great 
esteem;  and  from  each  collar  depended  eight  golden 
prawns,  finished  in  a  very  perfect  manner  and  about  a 
foot  and  a  half  in  length.  When  these  were  brought 
Muteczuma  turned  toward  me  and  put  them  around 
my  neck;  he  then  returned  along  the  street  in  the  order 
already  described,  until  he  reached  a  very  large  and 
splendid  palace,  in  which  we  were  to  be  quartered, 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  165 

which  had  been  fully  prepared  for  our  reception.  He 
there  took  me  by  the  hand  and  led  me  into  a  spacious 
saloon,  in  front  of  which  was  a  court,  through  which 
we  entered.  Having  caused  me  to  sit  down  on  a  piece 
of  rich  carpeting,  which  he  had  ordered  to  be  made  for 
himself,  he  told  me  to  await  his  return  there,  and  then 
went  away.  After  a  short  space  of  time,  when  my 
people  were  all  bestowed  in  their  quarters,  he  returned 
with  many  and  various  jewels  of  gold  and  silver,  feather 
work  and  five  or  six  thousand  pieces  of  cotton  cloth, 
very  rich  and  of  varied  texture  and  finish.  After  hav- 
ing presented  these  to  me,  he  sat  down  on  another  piece 
of  carpet  they  had  placed  for  him  near  me,  and  being 
seated  he  discoursed  as  follows: 

" '  It  is  now  a  long  time  since,  by  means  of  written 
records,  we  learned  from  our  ancestors  that  neither 
myself  nor  any  of  those  who  inhabit  this  region  were 
descended  from  its  original  inhabitants,  but  from 
strangers  who  emigrated  hither  from  a  very  distant 
land;  and  we  have  also  learned  that  a  prince,  whose 
vassals  they  all  were,  conducted  our  people  into  these 
parts,  and  then  returned  to  his  native  land.  He 
afterward  came  again  to  this  country,  after  the  lapse 
of  much  time,  and  found  that  his  people  had  inter- 
married with  the  native  inhabitants,  by  whom  they  had 
many  children,  and  had  built  towns  in  which  they 
resided;  and  when  he  desired  them  to  return  with  him, 
they  were  unwilling  to  go,  nor  were  they  disposed  to 
acknowledge  him  as  their  sovereign;  so  he  departed 
from  the  country,  and  we  have  always  heard  that  his 
descendants  would  come  to  conquer  this  land  and 
reduce  us  to  subjection  as  his  vassals;  and  according 
to  the  direction  from  which  you  say  you  have  come, 
namely  the  quarter  where  the  sun  rises,  and  from  what 


1 66  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

you  say  of  the  great  lord  or  king  who  sent  you  hither, 
we  believe  and  are  assured  that  he  is  our  natural  sover- 
eign, especially  as  you  say  that  it  is  a  long  time  since 
you  first  had  knowledge  of  us.  Therefore,  be  assured 
that  we  will  obey  you,  and  acknowledge  you  for  our 
sovereign  in  place  of  the  great  lord  whom  you  mention, 
and  that  there  shall  be  no  default  or  deception  on  our 
part.  And  you  have  the  power  in  all  this  land,  I 
mean  wherever  my  power  extends,  to  command  what 
is  your  pleasure,  and  it  shall  be  done  in  obedience 
thereto,  and  all  that  we  have  is  at  your  disposal.  And 
since  you  are  in  your  own  proper  land  and  your  own 
house,  rest  and  refresh  yourself  after  the  toils  of  your 
journey,  and  the  conflicts  in  which  you  have  been 
engaged,  which  have  been  brought  upon  you,  as  I  well 
know,  by  all  the  people  from  Puntunchan  to  this  place; 
and  I  am  aware  that  the  Cempoallans  and  the  Tlasca- 
lans  have  told  you  much  evil  of  me,  but  believe  no  more 
than  you  see  with  your  own  eyes,  especially  from  those 
who  are  my  enemies,  some  of  whom  were  once  my  sub- 
jects, and  having  rebelled  upon  your  arrival,  make 
these  statements  to  ingratiate  themselves  in  your  favor. 
These  people,  I  know,  have  informed  you  that  I  pos- 
sessed houses  with  walls  of  gold,  and  that  my  carpets 
and  other  things  in  common  use  were  of  the  texture  of 
gold;  and  that  I  was  a  god,  or  made  myself  one,  and 
many  other  such  things.  The  houses,  as  you  see,  are  of 
stone  and  lime  and  earth/  And  then  he  opened  his 
robes  and  showed  his  person  to  me,  saying:  'You  see 
that  I  am  composed  of  flesh  and  bone  like  yourself, 
and  that  I  am  mortal  and  palpable  to  the  touch,'  at 
the  same  time  pinching  his  arms  and  body  with  his 
hands.  'See/  he  continued,  'how  they  have  deceived 
you.     It  is  true  that  I  have  some  things  of  gold,  which 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  167 

my  ancestors  have  left  me;  all  that  I  have  is  at  your 
service  whenever  you  wish  it.  I  am  now  going  to  my 
other  houses  where  I  reside;  you  will  be  here  pro- 
vided with  everything  necessary  for  yourself  and  your 
people,  and  will  suffer  no  embarrassment,  as  you  are 
in  your  own  house  and  country/  I  answered  him  in 
respect  to  all  that  he  had  said,  expressing  my  acknow- 
ledgments, and  adding  whatever  the  occasion  seemed 
to  demand,  especially  endeavoring  to  confirm  him 
in  the  belief  that  Your  Majesty  was  the  sovereign  they 
had  looked  for;  and  after  this  he  took  his  leave,  and 
having  gone,  we  were  liberally  supplied  with  fowls, 
bread,  fruits  and  other  things  required  for  the  use  of 
our  quarters.  In  this  way  I  was  for  six  days  amply 
provided  with  all  that  was  necessary,  and  visited  by 
many  of  the  nobility." 

It  throws  a  somewhat  amusing  light  on  the  inter- 
view when  we  note  that  the  presents  exchanged  were 
of  great  value  on  Montezuma's  part,  while  the  gift 
of  Cortes  was  a  collar  of  cheap  imitation  diamonds! 

The  emotions  of  the  Spaniards  at  this  singular  meet- 
ing between  the  immeasurable  distance  of  the  past 
and  present  were  so  strong  that  even  the  rough  soldier 
felt  it.  "And  when  we  beheld,"  says  Bernal  Diaz, 
"so  many  cities  and  towns  rising  up  from  the  water, 
and  other  populous  places  situated  on  the  terra  firma, 
and  that  causeway,  straight  as  a  level,  which  went  into 
Mexico,  we  remained  astonished,  and  said  to  one 
another  that  it  appeared  like  the  enchanted  castles 
which  they  tell  of  in  the  book  of  Amadis,  by  reason  of 
the  great  towers,  temples,  and  edifices  which  there 
were  in  the  water,  all  of  them  work  of  masonry.  Some 
of  our  soldiers  asked  if  this  that  they  saw  was  not  a 
thing  in  a  dream." 


1 68  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Fiske  thus  felicitously  alludes  to  it:  "It  may  be 
well  called  the  most  romantic  moment  in  all  history, 
this  moment  when  European  eyes  first  rested  upon  that 
city  of  wonders,  the  chief  ornament  of  a  stage  of  social 
evolution  two  full  ethnical  periods  behind  their  own. 
To  say  that  it  was  like  stepping  back  across  the  cen- 
turies to  visit  the  Nineveh  of  Sennacherib  or  hundred- 
gated  Thebes,  is  but  inadequately  to  depict  the  situa- 
tion, for  it  was  a  longer  step  than  that.  Such  chances 
do  not  come  twice  to  mankind,  for  when  two  grades 
of  culture  so  widely  severed  are  brought  into  contact, 
the  stronger  is  apt  to  blight  and  crush  the  weaker 
where  it  does  not  amend  and  transform  it.  In  spite  of 
its  foul  abominations,  one  sometimes  feels  that  one 
would  like  to  recall  the  extinct  state  of  society  in  order 
to  study  it.  The  devoted  lover  of  history,  who  ran- 
sacks all  sciences  for  aid  toward  understanding  the 
course  of  human  events,  who  knows  in  what  unex- 
pected ways  one  progress  often  illustrates  other  stages, 
will  sometimes  wish  it  were  possible  to  resuscitate, 
even  for  one  brief  year,  the  vanished  City  of  the  Cactus 
Rock.  Could  such  a  work  of  enchantment  be  per- 
formed, however,  our  first  feeling  would  doubtless 
be  one  of  ineffable  horror  and  disgust,  like  that  of  the 
knight  in  the  old  English  ballad,  who,  folding  in  his 
arms  a  damsel  of  radiant  beauty,  finds  himself  in  the 
embrace  of  a  loathsome  fiend." 

What  the  emotions  of  the  Mexicans  were  we  have 
no  account,  but  it  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  them. 
Amazement  as  at  the  visitation  of  a  god,  fear  begot  of 
this  gross  superstition,  apprehension  of  what  might  be 
the  result  of  the  coming  of  these  strange  monsters, 
curiosity  mingled  with  admiration;  and  as  they  looked 
at  the  long  lines  of  fierce,  dauntless,  implacable  Tlas- 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  169 

calans  who  accompanied  the  Spaniards,  their  heredi- 
tary enemies,  there  must  have  swelled  in  their  savage 
breasts  feelings  of  deep  and  bitter  hatred. 

Outwardly,  however,  all  was  calm.  The  Spaniards 
marched  through  the  flower-decked  streets  to  the  great 
palace  of  Ayxacatl,  which  had  been  assigned  to  them 
as  a  residence,  and  which  was  spacious  and  commo- 
dious enough  to  take  them  all  in,  bag  and  baggage, 
including  their  savage  allies.  It  is  one  of  the  singular 
contradictions  of  the  Aztec  character  that  with  all  of 
their  brutal  religion  and  barbarism,  they  were  passion- 
ately fond  of  flowers  and  like  other  barbarians  rejoiced 
in  color.  "  Flowers  were  used  in  many  of  the  religious 
festivals,  and  there  is  abundant  evidence,  moreover, 
that  the  Mexicans  were  very  fond  of  them.  This  is 
illustrated  in  the  perpetual  reference  to  flowers  in  old 
Mexican  poems:  'They  led  me  within  a  valley  to  a 
fertile  spot,  a  flowery  spot,  where  the  dew  spread  out 
in  glistening  splendor,  where  I  saw  various  lovely 
fragrant  flowers,  lovely  odorous  flowers,  clothed  with 
the  dew,  scattered  around  in  rainbow  glory;  there  they 
said  to  me, '  Pluck  the  flowers,  whichever  thou  wishest; 
mayst  thou,  the  singer,  be  glad,  and  give  them  to  thy 
friends,  to  the  chiefs,  that  they  may  rejoice  on  the 
earth/  So  I  gathered  in  the  folds  of  my  garments 
the  various   fragrant  flowers,   delicate,   scented,   deli- 


cious/ '■ 


The  will  of  Montezuma  was  supreme.  Nothing 
dimmed  the  warmth  and  generosity  of  his  splendid 
hospitality.  There  were  no  frowning  looks,  no  mutter- 
ings  of  discontent,  everything  was  joyous  and  pleasant, 
at  least  outwardly,  yet  not  one  of  the  Christians  was 
blind  to  the  peril  in  which  he  stood,  or  doubted  that 
the    least    accident    might     precipitate   an    outbreak 


lyo  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

which  would  sweep  them  all  from  off  the  face  of 
the   earth. 

For  six  days  the  Spaniards  remained  the  guests  of  the 
Mexican  Emperor.  Visits  were  exchanged,  religious 
discussions  were  indulged  in,  and  Cortes  was  only 
constrained  from  overthrowing  their  idols  in  the  tem- 
ples which  he  visited,  and  substituting  Christian 
emblems  therein  by  force,  by  the  prudent  counsel  of 
the  worthy  priests,  men  remarkable  for  their  wisdom 
and  their  statesmanship,  who  accompanied  him.  Con- 
tinual efforts  were  made  to  convert  Montezuma,  but 
without  results. 

That  monarch,  who  was  of  a  cheerful  and  jovial 
nature,  professed  great  friendship  for  and  interest  in  the 
Spaniards,  whom  he  often  visited  and  to  whom  he 
accorded  many  privileges.  Such  a  condition  of  affairs, 
however,  could  not  last  very  long.  The  suspense  was 
intolerable  to  a  man  of  action  like  Cortes  and  to  the 
men  who  followed  him  as  well.  They  were  not  good 
waiters.     Something  had  to  be  done. 

Into  the  mind  of  this  Spanish  soldier  of  fortune  there 
leaped  a  bold  design.  He  decided  upon  a  course  of 
action,  as  amazing  in  its  character,  so  far-reaching 
in  its  result,  that  its  conception  and  its  execution  almost 
thrust  him  into  the  ranks  of  the  demi-gods.  This  pro- 
ject was  nothing  less  than  the  seizure  of  the  person  of 
Montezuma  in  the  midst  of  his  capital,  a  city  of  three 
hundred  thousand  people,  among  whom  were  thou- 
sands of  fierce  and  highly  trained  veteran  warriors  who. 
counted  their  lives  as  nothing  in  the  Emperor's  need. 
Undoubtedly  such  an  action  was  the  basest  of  treachery, 
but  Cortes  had  put  himself  in  such  a  position  that  the 
nakedness  of  such  an  action  did  not  prevail  with 
him  for  a  moment.     He  quieted  his  conscience  with  the 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  171 

old  reasoning  that  Montezuma  was  a  heathen,  and  that 
oaths  to  him  were  by  no  means  binding. 

Whether  he  quieted  his  conscience  or  not,  something 
was  necessary.  He  could  not  retire  from  Mexico  after 
this  ostensibly  friendly  visit.  Such  a  withdrawal 
would  not  have  suited  his  purposes  at  all,  and  it  was 
more  than  possible  that  the  moment  he  turned  his 
back  on  the  Aztec  capital,  he  would  be  forced  to  fight 
for  his  life  against  conditions  which  would  leave  him 
little  or  no  possibility  of  escape.  It  was  really  Monte- 
zuma's life  and  liberty  or  Cortes'  life  and  liberty.  In 
such  an  alternative,  there  was  no  hesitation. 

VIII.     The  Seizure  of  the  Emperor 

Occasion  was  soon  found  for  the  seizure.  A  chief 
on  the  sea  coast  had  attacked  and  killed  some  of  the 
men  left  at  Vera  Cruz.  It  was  alleged  that  this  was 
done  by  the  orders  of  Montezuma.  Cortes  accom- 
panied by  the  hardiest  and  bravest  of  his  companions, 
and  after  a  night  of  prayer  —  singular  with  what  good 
consciences  they  could  pray  for  the  success  of  the 
most  nefarious  undertaking!  —  visited  Montezuma, 
and  accused  him  of  having  instigated  the  crime. 
Montezuma  denied  it,  and  despatched  messengers  to 
the  offending  cacique,  directing  that  he  be  put  under 
close  arrest  and  brought  to  the  capital.  This  was  all 
any  reasonable  man  could  expect,  but  Cortes  and  his 
companions  were  not  reasonable. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  prompt  action  of  the 
Aztec  had  deprived  them  of  the  faintest  pretext,  they 
nevertheless  at  last  declared  to  the  unhappy  monarch 
that  he  must  accompany  them  to  the  pueblo,  which  he 
had   assigned  to  them,  and  remain  in  the  custody  of 


172  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

the  Spaniards  until  the  matter  had  been  decided. 
In  vain  Montezuma  protested.  His  situation  was 
unfortunate.  He  was  surrounded  by  an  intrepid  body 
of  steel-clad  Spaniards,  and  although  the  room  was 
filled  with  officers,  courtiers  and  soldiers,  he  realized  — 
indeed  he  was  bluntly  told  —  that  the  first  act  of  hos- 
tility against  the  Spaniards  would  result  in  his  imme- 
diate death.  He  made  a  virtue  of  a  necessity,  and 
complied  with  the  Spaniards'  demand.  Forbidding 
his  subjects,  who  were  moved  to  tears  —  tears  of  rage 
and  anger,  most  probably  —  to  assist  him,  he  sub- 
mitted himself  to  the  will  of  his  captors,  and  went  away 
with  them.  He  had  to  go  or  he  would  have  died  then 
and  there.  Far  better  would  it  have  been  if  he  had 
chosen  the  nobler  course,  both  for  his  fame  and  his 
empire. 

The  affairs  of  the  government  were  carried  on  as 
usual  by  Montezuma,  to  whom  his  officers  and  his 
counsellors  had  free  access.  Cortes  even  permitted  him 
to  go  to  the  Temple  on  occasion  for  the  ordinary  wor- 
ship, but  in  every  instance  he  was  accompanied  and 
practically  surrounded  by  a  body  of  one  hundred  com- 
pletely armed  and  thoroughly  resolute  Spaniards. 
Cortes  did  not  attempt  to  interfere  in  the  least  degree 
with  the  national  administration,  although  it  was 
patent  to  everybody  that  as  he  held  the  person  of  the 
Emperor,  he  could  also  command,  if  he  so  elected, 
the  power  of  the  empire. 

Meanwhile,  the  Cacique  Quahpopoca,  who  was 
guilty  of  the  murder  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  coast, 
was  brought  into  Mexico  two  weeks  after  the  seizure 
of  Montezuma.  With  a  loyalty  touchingly  beautiful, 
he  promptly  declared  that  he  had  acted  upon  his 
own  responsibility  and  that  Montezuma  had  had  noth- 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  173 

ing  whatever  to  do  with  it,  which  was,  of  course,  highly 
improbable.  The  official  clearing  of  Montezuma  was 
complete;  nevertheless,  despite  the  testimony  of  Quah- 
popoca,  Cortes  actually  put  the  Mexican  monarch  in 
double  irons.  It  is  true,  the  irons  were  removed 
almost  immediately,  and  he  was  treated  as  he  had 
been  during  his  two  weeks'  captivity,  with  the  greatest 
possible  respect  and  deference,  but  the  irons  had  not 
merely  clasped  the  wrists  and  ankles  of  the  unfor- 
tunate Aztec.     They  had  entered  his  soul. 

Quahpopoca  was  burned  in  the  public  square.  The 
heaping  fagots  which  surrounded  the  stake  were  made 
of  javelins  and  spears  collected  by  Cortes  with  intrepid 
audacity  and  far-seeing  prudence,  from  the  public 
armory.  Vast  numbers  of  them  were  used.  The 
populace  looked  on  in  sullen  and  gloomy  silence. 
Montezuma  was  not  merely  the  ruler  of  the  country, 
but  in  some  senses  he  was  a  deity,  and  his  capture, 
together  with  the  capture  of  the  great  lords  of  his 
family,  who,  under  ordinary  circumstances  would 
have  succeeded  to  his  throne,  paralyzed  the  national, 
social,  political  and  religious  organization. 

Cortes  actually  held  his  captive  in  this  way  until 
spring.  The  intervening  months  were  not  wasted. 
Expeditions  were  sent  to  all  parts  of  the  country  to 
ascertain  its  resources  and  report  upon  them,  so  that, 
when  the  Spaniards  took  over  the  government,  they 
would  be  prepared  to  administer  it  wisely  and  well. 
No  such  prudent  and  statesmanlike  policy  was  inaugu- 
rated by  any  other  conqueror.  Cortes  in  this  particular 
stands  absolutely  alone  among  the  great  adventurers, 
Spanish  and  otherwise.  He  was  not  a  mere  plun- 
derer of  the  people,  he  was  laying  a  foundation  for  an 
empire.     Vast  treasures  were,  nevertheless,  collected. 


174  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Messengers  were  despatched  to  Charles  V.  with  the 
letters  which  have  already  been  quoted  and  with  the 
royal  share  of  the  booty,  which  was  great  enough  to 
insure  them  a  favorable  reception. 

What  Cortes  would  have  done  further  can  only  be 
surmised.  Something  happened  suddenly  which  forced 
his  hand.  In  the  spring,  Montezuma  received  word 
through  an  excellent  corps  of  messengers  which  supplied 
him  daily  with  information  from  all  parts  of  the  empire, 
of  the  arrival  of  a  strange  Spanish  force  on  the  coast. 
Mexico  had  no  writing,  but  its  messenger  system  was 
one  of  the  best  in  the  world.  Messengers  arrived 
daily  from  the  farthest  parts  and  confines  of  the  Mexican 
empire,  supplementing  pictures,  which  the  Mexicans 
drew  very  cleverly,  with  verbal  accounts.  Inciden- 
tally, there  was  no  money  in  the  empire,  either.  The 
art  of  coinage  had  not  been  attained. 

IX.     The  Revolt  of  the  Capital 

Cortes  was  naturally  much  interested  and  not  a  little 
perturbed  by  the  news.  Soon  the  exact  tidings  reached 
him  from  the  commander  at  Vera  Cruz,  that  the  force 
consisted  of  some  twelve  hundred  men,  including 
eighty  horse,  all  under  the  command  of  one  Panfilo 
de  Narvaez,  which  had  been  organized,  equipped  and 
sent  out  by  Cortes'  old  enemy,  Velasquez,  with 
instructions  to  seize  him  and  his  companions  and  send 
them  back  to  Cuba  for  trial.  Narvaez  was  loud  in  his 
threats  of  what  he  was  going  to  do  with  Cortes  and 
how  he  was  going  to  do  it. 

The  great  Spaniard  acted  with  his  usual  prompt- 
ness. He  left  in  charge  of  the  city  one  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  called  from  his  fair  hair,  Tonatiuh,  or  the 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  175 

child  of  the  sun.  Committing  the  care  of  Monte- 
zuma to  this  cavalier  and  bidding  him  watch  over  him 
and  guard  him  with  his  life,  as  the  safety  of  all  depended 
upon  him,  Cortes  with  some  two  hundred  and  fifty 
men  made  a  dash  for  the  coast.  It  was  two  hundred 
and  fifty  against  five  times  that  number,  but  with  the 
two  hundred  and  fifty  was  a  man  whose  mere  presence 
equalized  conditions,  while  with  the  twelve  hundred 
and  fifty  was  another  whose  braggart  foolishness 
diminished  their  superiority  until,  in  the  end,  it  really 
amounted  to  nothing! 

Cortes  actually  surprised  Narvaez  in  the  town  in 
which  he  had  taken  refuge  and  seized  him  after  an 
attack  —  a  night  surprise  of  bold  and  audacious  con- 
ception —  by  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  against  the 
twelve  hundred  which  was  completely  successful. 
With  Narvaez  in  Cortes's  hands  all  opposition  ceased 
on  the  part  of  the  men.  In  one  swoop  Narvaez  lost 
power,  position  and  one  eye,  which  had  been  knocked 
out  during  the  contest,  and  Cortes  found  his  follow- 
ing reinforced  by  so  great  a  number  and  quality  that 
he  had  never  dreamed  of  such  a  thing. 

"You  are,  indeed,  fortunate,"  said  Narvaez  to  his 
conqueror,  "in  having  captured  me." 

"It  is,"  said  Cortes  carelessly,  "the  least  of  the 
things  I  have  done  in  Mexico!" 

While  affairs  were  thus  progressing  favorably  on 
the  coast,  the  smouldering  rebellion  had  at  last  broken 
out  in  Mexico,  and  Cortes  received  a  message  from 
Alvarado,  bidding  him  return  with  all  possible  speed. 
There  was  not  a  braver  soldier,  a  fiercer  fighter,  or  a 
more  resolute  man  in  the  following  of  Cortes  than 
Pedro  de  Alvarado.  When  that  has  been  said,  how- 
ever, practically  all  has  been  said  that  can  be  said  in 


176  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

his  favor.  He  was  a  rash,  impetuous,  reckless,  head- 
long, tactless,  unscrupulous  man,  and  brutal  and  cruel 
to  a  high  degree. 

His  suspicions  that  the  Aztecs,  led  by  Montezuma, 
were  conspiring  to  overwhelm  his  small  force  were 
aroused.  It  is  probable  that  there  was  some  truth 
in  his  apprehensions,  although  he  could  not  point 
to  anything  very  definite  upon  which  to  base  them. 
He  knew  of  but  one  way  to  deal  with  such  a  situation  — 
by  brute  force.  He  waited  until  the  great  May  Fes- 
tival of  the  Aztecs  was  being  held,  and  then  fell  upon 
them  in  the  midst  of  their  joyous  play  and  slew  six 
hundred,  including  many  of  the  noblest  chiefs  of  the 
land.  The  outbreak  was  instant  and  universal.  The 
house  of  Ayxacatl  was  at  once  besieged,  the  influx 
of  provisions  was  stopped,  and  the  pueblo  was  sur- 
rounded by  vast  numbers  of  thoroughly  enraged 
citizens.  Neither  the  Spaniards  nor  the  allies  could 
leave  the  pueblo  without  being  overwhelmed.  Alva- 
rado  at  last  compelled  Montezuma  to  show  himself 
on  the  walls  and  bid  the  people  stop  fighting,  to 
enable  him  to  strengthen  his  position  and  hold 
it  until  the  arrival  of  Cortes,  and  some  fifteen 
hundred  men,  his  own  force  and  that  of  Narvaez 
combined. 

When  the  conqueror  met  Alvarado  he  upbraided 
him  and  told  him  that  he  had  behaved  like  a  madman. 
There  was  little  or  no  provision.  Cortes  now  made 
the  mistake  of  sending  Cuitlahua,  the  brother  of 
Montezuma,  out  into  the  city  with  instructions  for  him 
to  have  the  markets  opened  at  once  and  secure  pro- 
visions for  the  Spaniards  and  their  horses.  Cuitlahua, 
being  free,  called  the  council  of  priests.  This  council 
at  once  deposed  Montezuma  and  elected  Cuitlahua 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  177 

emperor    and    priest    in    his    place.     The    revolution 
and  the  religion  now  had  a  head. 

The  next  morning  an  attack  of  such  force  was 
delivered  that  many  of  even  the  stoutest-hearted  Span- 
iards quailed  before  it.  The  slaughter  of  the  natives 
was  terrific.  The  Spanish  cannon  opened  long  lanes 
through  the  crowded  streets.  The  Spanish  horse 
sallied  forth  and  hacked  and  hewed  broad  pathways 
up  the  different  avenues.  Still,  the  attack  was  pressed 
and  was  as  intrepid  as  if  not  a  single  Aztec  had  died. 
The  roar  that  came  up  from  every  quarter  of  the  city, 
from  the  house  tops,  from  the  crowded  streets,  from 
the  Temples,  was  in  itself  enough  to  appall  the  bravest. 

X.     In  God's  Way 

Finally  Cortes  resorted  to  Alvarado's  expedient. 
He  compelled  the  unhappy  Montezuma  to  mount  the 
walls  of  the  palace  and  bid  the  people  disperse.  When 
he  appeared  in  all  his  splendid  panoply  upon  the  roof 
of  the  palace  there  was  a  strange  silence.  He  was  no 
longer  priest,  he  was  no  longer  emperor,  he  was  no 
longer  a  power,  he  was  no  longer  a  god,  but  some  of  the 
old  divinity  seemed  to  cling  to  him,  to  linger  around 
him  still.  The  situation  was  so  tragic  that  even  the 
meanest  soldier,  Mexican  or  Spanish,  felt  its  import. 
A  long  time  the  Aztec  looked  over  his  once  smiling 
capital,  and  into  the  faces  of  his  once  subordinate 
people.  Finally  he  began  to  address  them.  He  bade 
them  lay  down  their  arms  and  disperse. 

The  people,  led  by  the  great  lords  and  Montezuma's 
brother,  Cuitlahua,  and  his  nephew,  Guatemoc, 
answered  with  a  roar  of  rage,  and  the  roar  spread  as  the 
purport  of  the  message  was  communicated  to  those 


178  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

further  back.  Montezuma  stood  appalled.  The  next 
instant  a  rain  of  missiles  was  actually  launched  at  him 
and  the  Spaniards  who  stood  by  his  side.  A  stone 
hurled,  it  is  said  by  young  Guatemoc,  struck  him  in 
the  forehead.  He  reeled  and  fell.  With  the  bitter 
words:  "Woman!  woman!"  ringing  in  his  ears,  he 
was  carried  away  by  the  Spaniards.  His  face,  says 
Lew  Wallace,  was  the  face  of  a  man  "  breaking  because 
he  was  in  God's  way!"  He  lived  a  few  days  after  that, 
but  he  refused  to  eat,  and  repeatedly  tore  the  bandages 
from  his  wounds  until  death  put  an  end  to  his  miseries. 
The  stone  that  had  struck  him  had  broken  his  heart. 
Neither  Cortes  nor  Montezuma  himself  knew  that  he 
had  been  deposed.  Cortes  and  the  principal  Spaniards 
visited  him  and  endeavoured  to  console  him,  but  he 
turned  his  face  to  the  wall  and  would  have  none  of  them. 
It  was  said  afterward  that  he  became  a  Christian, 
but  it  is  most  probably  not  true.  He  died  as  he  had 
lived.  Helps  thus  describes  the  scene  and  the  great 
Montezuma's  end: 

"He  was  surrounded  by  Spanish  soldiers,  and  was 
at  first  received  with  all  respect  and  honor  by  his 
people.  When  silence  ensued,  he  addressed  them  in 
very  loving  words,  bidding  them  discontinue  the  attack, 
and  assuring  them  that  the  Spaniards  would  depart 
from  Mexico.  It  is  not  probable  that  much  of  his  dis- 
course could  have  been  heard  by  the  raging  multi- 
tude. But,  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  able  to  hear 
what  their  leaders  had  to  say,  as  four  of  the  chiefs 
approached  near  him,  and  with  tears  addressed  him, 
declaring  their  grief  at  his  imprisonment.  They  told 
him  that  they  had  chosen  his  brother  as  their  leader, 
that  they  had  vowed  to  their  gods  not  to  cease  fighting 


The  Death  of  Montezuma 
From  an  old  engraving 


"He  Defended  Himself  With  His  Terrible  Spear 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  179 

until  the  Spaniards  were  all  destroyed,  and  that  each 
day  they  prayed  to  their  gods  to  keep  him  free  and 
harmless.  They  added,  that  when  their  designs  were 
accomplished,  he  should  be  much  more  their  lord 
than  heretofore,  and  that  he  should  then  pardon  them. 
Amongst  the  crowd,  however,  were,  doubtless,  men 
who  viewed  the  conduct  of  Montezuma  with  intense 
disgust,  or  who  thought  that  they  had  already  shown 
too  much  disrespect  toward  him  ever  to  be  pardoned. 
A  shower  of  stones  and  arrows  interrupted  the  parley; 
the  Spanish  soldiers  had  ceased  for  the  moment  to  pro- 
tect Montezuma  with  their  shields;  and  he  was  severely 
wounded  in  the  head  and  in  two  other  places.  The 
miserable  monarch  was  borne  away,  having  received 
his  death-stroke;  but  whether  it  came  from  the  wounds 
themselves,  or  from  the  indignity  of  being  thus  treated 
by  his  people,  remains  a  doubtful  point.  It  seems, 
however,  that,  to  use  some  emphatic  words  which  have 
been  employed  upon  a  similar  occasion:  'He  turned 
his  face  to  the  wall,  and  would  be  troubled  no  more/ 
"It  is  remarkable  that  he  did  not  die  like  a  Chris- 
tian,* and  I  think  this  shows  that  he  had  more  force 
of  mind  and  purpose  than  the  world  has  generally 
been  inclined  to  give  him  credit  for.  To  read  Monte- 
zuma's character  rightly,  at  this  distance  of  time,  and 
amidst  such  a  wild  perplexity  of  facts,  would  be  very 
difficult,  and  is  not  very  important.     But  one  thing, 

*  "I  am  not  ignorant  that  it  has  been  asserted  that  Montezuma  received  the  rite 
of  baptism  at  the  hands  of  his  Christian  captors.  See  Bustamante's  notes  on  Chimal- 
pain's  Translation  of  Gomara  (Historia  de  las  Conquistas  de  Hernando  Cortes.  Carlos 
Maria  de  Bustamante.  Mexico,  1826,  p.  287).  But  the  objection  raised  by  Tor- 
quemada  —  the  silence  of  some  of  the  best  authorities,  such  as  Oviedo,  Ixlilxochitl, 
Histoire  des  Chichimeques,  and  of  Cortes  himself;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
distinctly  opposing  testimony  of  Bernal  Diaz  (see  cap.  127),  and  the  statement  of 
Herrera,  who  asserts  that  Montezuma,  at  the  hour  of  his  death,  refused  to  quit  the 
religion  of  his  fathers.  ("No  se  queria  apartar  de  la  Religion  de  sus  Padres."  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  dec.  II.  lib.  x,  cap.  io*),  convinces  me  that  no  such  baptism  took  place. 


180  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

I  think,  is  discernible,  and  that  is,  that  his  manners 
were  very  gracious  and  graceful.  I  dwell  upon  this, 
because  I  conceive  it  was  a  characteristic  of  the  race; 
and  no  one  will  estimate  this  characteristic  lightly,  who 
has  observed  how  very  rare,  even  in  the  centres  of  civi- 
lized life,  it  is  to  find  people  of  fine  manners,  so  that 
in  great  capitals  but  very  few  persons  can  be  pointed 
out  who  are  at  all  transcendent  in  this  respect.  The 
gracious  delight  which  Montezuma  had  in  giving  was 
particularly  noticeable;  and  the  impression  which  he 
made  upon  Bernal  Diaz  may  be  seen  in  the  narrative 
of  this  simple  soldier,  who  never  speaks  of  him  other- 
wise as  'the  great  Montezuma';  and,  upon  the  occa- 
sion of  his  death,  remarks  that  some  of  the  Spanish 
soldiers  who  had  known  him  mourned  for  him  as  if  he 
had  been  a  father,  'and  no  wonder/  he  adds,  'seeing 
that  he  was  so  good/" 

Cortes  sent  out  the  body  to  the  new  king,  and  Mon- 
tezuma was  mourned  over  by  the  Spaniards,  to  whom 
he  had  always  been  gracious,  and  probably,  by  his  own 
people;  but  little  could  be  learned  of  what  the  Mexicans 
thought,  or  did,  upon  the  occasion,  by  the  Spaniards, 
who  only  saw  that  Montezuma's  death  made  no  differ- 
ence in  the  fierceness  of  the  enemy's  attack. 

Meanwhile  the  situation  of  the  Spainards  was  inde- 
scribable. There  was  mutiny  and  rebellion  among 
them.  The  soldiers  of  Narvaez,  who  looked  for  a 
pleasant  promenade  through  a  land  of  peace  and 
plenty,  were  appalled.  There  was  daily,  desperate 
fighting.  The  Mexicans  had  manned  the  temple  of 
the  war-god  which  overlooked  the  Spanish  pueblo, 
and  Cortes  determined  to  capture  it.  With  a  large 
body  of  chosen  men  he  attempted  its  escalade.  It 
was  crowded  to  the  very  top  with  the  most  resolute 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  181 

Aztecs,  and  they  fought  for  it  with  the  courage  of 
fanaticism  and  despair  itself.  The  feather  shields 
were  no  match  for  the  steel  cuirasses.  The  wooden 
clubs,  stuck  full  of  sharp  pieces  of  obsidian,  could  not 
compete  on  equal  terms  with  the  Toledo  blades. 
Step  by  step,  terrace  by  terrace,  the  Spaniards  fought 
their  way  to  the  very  top.  As  if  by  mutual  consent, 
the  contests  in  the  streets  stopped  and  all  eyes  were 
turned  upon  this  battle  in  the  air. 

Arriving  at  the  great  plateau  upon  the  crest,  the 
Spaniards  were  met  by  five  hundred  of  the  noblest 
Aztecs,  who,  animated  by  their  priests,  made  the  last 
desperate  stand  for  the  altars  of  their  gods. 

"And  how  can  men  die  better, 
Than  in  facing  fearful  odds, 
For  the  ashes  of  their  Fathers, 
And  the  temples  of  their  Gods?" 

In  the  course  of  the  terrific  conflict  which  ensued, 
two  of  the  bravest  leaped  upon  Cortes,  wrapped  their 
arms  around  him,  and  attempted  to  throw  themselves 
ofF  the  top  of  the  temple,  devoting  themselves  to  death, 
if  so  be,  they  might  compass  their  bold  design.  It 
was  on  the  very  verge  of  eternity  that  Cortes  tore  him- 
self free  from  them.  Singled  out  for  attack  because  of 
his  position  and  because  of  his  fearlessness  in  battle, 
his  life  was  saved  again  and  again  by  his  followers, 
until  it  seemed  to  be  miraculously  preserved. 

After  a  stupendous  struggle  the  summit  of  the 
temple  was  carried.  Amid  the  groans  of  the  populace, 
the  Spaniards  tumbled  down  from  its  resting-place  the 
hideous  image  of  the  war-god,  and  completed  in  Aztec 
eyes  the  desecration  of  the  temple.  They  were  vic- 
torious, but  they  had  paid  a  price.     Dead  Spaniards 


1 82  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

dotted  the  terraces,  the  sunlight,  gleaming  on  their 
armor,  picking  them  out  amid  the  dark,  naked  bodies 
of  the  Mexicans.  Of  those  who  had  survived  the 
encounter,  there  was  scarcely  one  but  had  sustained 
one  or  more  wounds,  some  of  them  fearful  in  character. 
The  Mexicans  had  not  died  in  vain. 

Leaving  a  guard  at  the  temple,  Cortes  came  back  to 
the  garrison.  The  attack  was  resumed  at  once  by  the 
natives.  Attempts  were  made  to  burn  the  thatched 
roofs  of  the  pueblo.  A  rain  of  missiles  was  poured 
upon  it.  The  Spaniards  made  sally  after  sally,  inflict- 
ing great  slaughter,  but  losing  always  a  little  themselves. 
The  Aztecs  would  sometimes  seize  a  Spaniard  and 
bear  him  off  alive  to  sacrifice  him  on  some  high  pyra- 
mid temple  in  full  view  of  his  wretched  comrades 
below.  The  Spaniards  fired  cannon  after  cannon,  but 
to  no  avail.  They  were  starving,  they  were  becom- 
ing sick,  and  they  were  covered  with  wounds;  their 
allies,  who  took  part  gallantly  in  all  the  hard  fighting, 
suffered  frightful  losses.  It  was  at  last  reluctantly 
agreed  among  the  leaders  that  their  only  salvation  was 
the  evacuation  of  the  city. 

XI.     The  Melancholy  Night 

Although  the  course  thus  thrust  upon  them  was 
indeed  a  hard  one,  there  was  nothing  else  to  be  done. 
Sick,  wounded,  starving,  dying,  they  could  by  no 
means  maintain  themselves  longer  in  the  city.  Fight 
as  they  might  and  would,  the  end  would  come  speedily, 
and  would  mean  annihilation.  Happy  in  that  event 
would  be  those  who  died  upon  the  field,  for  every 
living  captive,  whatever  his  condition,  would  be  reserved 
for  that  frightful  sacrifice  to  the  war-god,  in  which  his 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  183 

body  would  be  opened,  and  his  reeking  heart  torn, 
almost  while  still  beating,  from  his  breast.  To  retreat 
was  almost  as  dangerous  as  it  was  to  remain.  It  was 
certain,  however,  that  some  would  get  through  in  that 
attempt,  although  it  was  equally  certain  that  many 
would  not. 

Cortes,  mustering  his  soldiers  and  allies,  after  a  day 
of  heart-breaking  fighting,  disclosed  the  situation  to 
them  in  blunt  soldier-like  words,  although  they  all 
knew  it  as  well  as  he,  and  then  the  hasty  preparations 
began.  A  vast  treasure  had  been  amassed  by  the 
Spaniards.  Making  an  effort  to  preserve  the  fifth 
portion  of  it,  which  by  law  belonged  to  the  King, 
Cortes  threw  open  the  treasure  chamber  and  bade  the 
rest  help  themselves.  He  cautioned  them,  however, 
that  those  who  went  the  lightest,  would  have  the 
greatest  prospects  for  escape,  a  warning  which  many, 
especially  among  those  who  had  come  to  the  country 
with  Narvaez,  chose  to  disregard. 

The  causeway  along  which  they  determined  to 
fly  and  which  connected  Mexico  with  the  mainland 
was  pierced  at  intervals  to  admit  passage  from 
one  portion  of  the  lake  to  the  other.  The  bridges 
which  usually  covered  these  openings  had  been  taken 
away  by  the  Aztecs.  Cortes  caused  a  temporary 
bridge  or  pontoon  to  be  built  which  was  to  be  carried 
with  the  fugitives  to  enable  them  to  pass  the  openings. 

The  night  was  the  first  of  July,  1520.  It  was  pitch 
dark  and  a  heavy  rain  was  falling.  The  forces  con- 
sisted of  twelve  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards,  of  whom 
eighty  were  mounted,  and  six  thousand  Tiascalans. 
They  were  divided  into  three  divisions.  The  advance 
was  under  the  command  of  Juan  Valesquez,  Cortes 
led  the  main  body,  and  the  rear  was  put  in  the  charge 


1 84  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  the  rash,  cruel,  but  heroic  Alvarado.  The  less  severely 
wounded  were  supported  by  their  comrades,  and 
those  unable  to  walk  were  carried  on  litters  or  mounted 
on  horses.  Montezuma  had  died  the  night  before. 
Any  lingering  hopes  of  being  able  to  effect  peace 
through  his  influence  had  departed.  Leaving  every- 
thing they  could  not  carry,  the  Spaniards,  after  prayer, 
confession  and  absolution,  threw  open  the  gates,*  and 
entered  the  city. 

Midnight  was  approaching.  The  streets  and  avenues 
were  silent  and  deserted.  The  retreat  proceeded 
cautiously  for  a  little  way,  unmolested,  when  suddenly 
a  deep,  booming  sound  roared  like  thunder  over  the 
heads  of  the  Spaniards,  through  the  black  night,  filling 
their  hearts  with  alarm.  Cortes  recognized  it  at  once. 
The  Aztecs  were  awake  and  ready.  The  priests  in 
the  great  teocallis,  or  temple  pyramids,  were  beating 
the  great  drum  of  the  war-god,  Huitzilopocahtli.  Lights 
appeared  here  and  there  in  the  town,  the  clashing  of 
arms  was  heard  here  and  there  on  the  broad  avenues. 
Under  the  lights  farther  up  the  streets  could  be  seen 
files  of  troops  moving.     The  hour  was  full  of  portent. 

Dragging  their  artillery,  carrying  their  wounded, 
bearing  their  treasure,  the  Spaniards  and  their  allies 
passed  rapidly  through  the  streets.  Before  the  advance 
reached  the  first  opening  in  the  causeway  it  was  already 
hotly  engaged.  The  water  on  either  side  of  the  cause- 
way suddenly  swarmed  with  canoes.  Spears,  javelins, 
arrows,  heavy  war-clubs  with  jagged  pieces  of  obsidian 
were  hurled  upon  the  Spaniards  on  the  causeway.  In 
front  of  them,  almost,  it  seemed,  for  the  whole  length,  the 

*  These  gafes  they  had  made  themselves.  The  Aztecs  had  not  learned  the  art  of 
making  gates  or  doors.  The  exits  and  entrances  of  their  houses  were  closed,  if  at  all 
with  portieres. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  185 

Indians  were  massed.  Step  by  step,  by  the  hardest 
kind  of  hand-to-hand  fighting,  the  Spaniards  and 
their  allies  arrived  at  the  first  opening.  Their  loss 
had  been  frightful  already.  They  were  surrounded 
and  attacked  from  all  sides.  Indians  scrambled  up  the 
low  banks  in  the  darkness,  seized  the  feet  of  the  flying 
Spaniards  and  strove  to  draw  them  into  the  water. 
Many  a  white  man,  many  a  Tlascalan  locked  in  the 
savage  embrace  of  some  heroic  Aztec,  stumbled  or 
was  dragged  into  the  lake  and  was  drowned  in  the 
struggle.  The  frightened  horses  reared  and  plunged 
and  created  great  confusion.  The  golden  treasure 
with  which  many  had  loaded  themselves  proved  a 
frightful  incumbrance.  Those  who  could  do  so,  flung 
it  away;  those  too  bitterly  occupied  in  fighting  for 
their  lives  could  do  little  but  drive,  thrust,  hew,  hack 
and  struggle  in  the  dark  and  slippery  way. 

But  the  army  did  advance.  Arriving  at  the  brink 
of  the  first  opening,  the  bridge  was  brought  up  and  the 
division  began  its  passage.  It  had  scarcely  crossed 
the  gap  when  under  the  pressure  of  tremendous  fear, 
the  second  division,  in  spite  of  all  that  could  be  done 
to  refrain  and  control  them  by  Cortes  and  his  officers 
—  and  there  were  no  braver  men  on  earth  —  crowded 
on  the  frail  bridge.  The  structure  which  was  suffic- 
iently strong  for  ordinary  and  orderly  passage,  gave 
way,  precipitating  a  great  mass  of  Spaniards  and 
Indians  into  the  causeway.  Cortes  with  his  own 
hands,  assisted  by  a  few  of  the  cooler  veterans,  tried  to 
lift  up  the  shattered  remains  of  the  bridge  but  was 
unable  to  do  anything  with  it.  It  was  ruined  beyond 
repair,  and  sank  into  a  splintered  mass  of  timber  under 
the  terrific  pressure  to  which  it  had  been  subjected. 
A  passage  at  that  gap  was  afforded  to  those  who  came 


1 86  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

after  because  it  was  filled  level  with  dead  bodies  of 
Spaniards,  Indians  and  horses,  to  say  nothing  of  guns, 
baggage  and  equipment. 

By  this  time  the  advance  guard  was  again  heavily 
engaged.  The  Spaniards  and  their  allies  staggered 
along  the  dyke,  fighting  desperately  all  the  time. 
Velasquez,  leading  the  advance  division  was  killed 
at  the  brink  of  the  second  opening.  The  wretched 
fugitives  were  driven  headlong  into  the  second  open- 
ing which  was  soon  choked  with  horses  and  men  as 
the  first  had  been.  Over  this  living,  dying  bridge  the 
survivors  madly  ploughed.  Some  of  them  led  by 
Cortes  himself  found  a  ford  on  the  side.  Although 
they  were  cut  down  by  the  hundreds,  there  seemed  to 
be  no  end  to  the  Aztecs.  The  rain  still  fell.  The 
drum  of  the  war-god  mingled  with  frightful  peals  of 
thunder,  and  the  shrill  cries  of  the  Mexicans  rose  higher 
and  higher.  The  Spaniards  were  sick,  wounded, 
beaten  and  terrified.  Only  Cortes  and  his  captains 
and  a  few  of  his  veterans  preserved  the  slightest  sem- 
blance of  organization. 

The  third  gap  was  passed  by  the  same  awful  expe- 
dient as  the  other  two  had  been.  There  was  not  a 
great  distance  from  the  third  opening  to  the  mainland. 
The  few  who  had  passed  over  rushed  desperately  for 
the  shore.  Way  back  in  the  rear,  last  of  all,  came 
Alvarado.  There  was  a  strange  current  in  the  lake, 
and  as  he  stood  all  alone  at  the  last  opening,  confront- 
ing the  pursuers,  his  horse  having  been  killed  under 
him,  a  swift  movement  of  the  water  swept  away  the 
gorged  mass  of  bodies.  Torches  in  the  canoes  enabled 
the  Aztecs  to  recognize  Alvarado,  Tonatiuh,  the  child 
of  the  sun.  His  helmet  had  been  knocked  off  and  his 
fair  hair  streamed  over  his  shoulders.     He  indeed  would 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  187 

be  a  prize  for  their  sacrifice,  second  only  to  Cortes 
himself.  With  furious  cries,  the  most  reckless  and 
intrepid  leaped  upon  the  dyke  and  rushed  at  him.  At 
his  feet  lay  his  neglected  lance.  Dropping  his  sword, 
he  seized  his  spear,  swiftly  plunged  the  point  of  it  into 
the  sand  at  the  bottom  of  the  pass,  and,  weighted 
though  he  was  with  his  armor,  and  weak  from  his 
wounds  and  from  the  loss  of  blood,  leaped  to  safety 
on  the  other  side.  To  this  day,  this  place  of  Alvarado' s 
marvelous  leap  is  pointed  out.  Like  Ney,  Alvarado 
was  the  last  of  that  grand  army,  and  like  the  French 
commander,  also,  he  might  properly  be  called  the 
bravest  of  the  brave. 

Darkness  was  not  the  usual  period  for  Aztec  fight- 
ing. It  was  this  alone  that  saved  the  lives  of  the 
remaining  few  for,  having  seen  Alvarado  stagger  to 
freedom  along  the  causeway,  the  Aztecs  concluded 
that  they  had  done  enough  and  returned  to  the  city 
rejoicing.  They  took  back  with  them  many  Spaniards 
and  Tlascalans  as  captives  for  sacrifice  and  the  canni- 
balistic feast  which  followed. 

When  day  broke,  Cortes  sitting  under  a  tree,  which 
is  still  to  be  seen  in  Mexico,*  ordered  the  survivors 
to  pass  in  review  before  him.  They  numbered  five 
hundred  Spaniards  and  two  thousand  Tlascalans  and 
a  score  of  horses.  Seven  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards 
had  been  killed  or  taken  captive  and  four  thousand 
Tlascalans.  All  the  artillery  had  been  lost,  seven 
arquebuses  had  been  saved,  but  there  was  no  powder. 
Half  the  Spaniards  were  destitute  of  any  weapons 
and  the  battle-axes  and  spears  which  had  been  saved 

*  It  is  growing  very  old  and  is  badly  decayed.  The  newspapers  report  that  efforts 
are  being  made  by  experts  to  try  a  course  of  treatment  which  will  preserve  this  venerable 
and  interesting  forest  relic,  already  nearly  four  hundred  years  old,  but  it  is  not  believed 
that  sviaceasT*11  attend  their  endeavors. 


1 88  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

were  jagged  and  broken.  Their  armor  was  battered 
and  the  most  important  parts,  as  helmets,  shields, 
breastplates,  had  been  lost.  Some  of  the  Tlascalans 
still  preserved  their  savage  weapons.  There  was 
scarcely  a  man,  Spanish  or  Tlascalan  who  was  not 
suffering  from  some  wound. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  when  Cortes  saw  the  melan- 
choly and  dejected  array,  even  his  heart  of  steel  gave 
way  and  he  buried  his  face  in  his  hands  and  burst  into 
tears.  This  terrible  night  has  always  been  known 
in  history  as  la  noche  triste  —  the  melancholy  night. 
Melancholy  indeed  it  was.  Surely  the  situation  of  a 
man  was  never  more  desperate.  If  the  Mexicans  had 
rejoiced  in  the  leadership  of  a  Cortes,  they  would  have 
mustered  their  forces  and  fallen  upon  the  Spaniards 
without  the  delay  of  a  moment,  and  the  result  could 
only  have  been  annihilation.  But  the  Mexicans 
themselves  had  suffered  terrifically.  They  had  won  a 
great  victory,  but  they  had  paid  a  fearful  price  for  it. 
Now  they  wanted  to  enjoy  it.  They  wished  to  sacri- 
fice their  captives  to  their  gods,  and  they  thought  that 
there  was  no  hope  for  the  Spaniards,  and  that  they 
might  overwhelm  them  at  their  leisure. 

This  is  Sir  Arthur  Helps'  vivid  description  of  the 
awful  retreat: 

"A  little  before  midnight  the  stealthy  march  began. 
The  Spaniards  succeeded  in  laying  down  the  pontoon 
over  the  first  bridge-way,  and  the  vanguard  with 
Sandoval  passed  over;  Cortes  and  his  men  also  passed 
over;  but  while  the  rest  were  passing,  the  Mexicans 
gave  the  alarm  with  loud  shouts  and  blowing  of  horns. 
' Tlaltelulco !*  Tlaltelulco !'  they  exclaimed,  'come  out 
quickly  with  your  canoes;  the   teules   are  going;  cut 

*  "Tlaltelulco"  was  the  quarter  of  the  town  where  the  market  was  situated. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  189 

them  off  at  the  bridges/  Almost  immediately  after 
this  alarm,  the  lake  was  covered  with  canoes.  It 
rained,  and  the  misfortunes  of  the  night  commenced 
by  two  horses  slipping  from  the  pontoon  into  the  water. 
Then,  the  Mexicans  attacked  the  pontoon-bearers  so 
furiously  that  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  raise  it 
up  again.  In  a  very  short  time  the  water  at  that  part 
was  full  of  dead  horses,  Tlascalan  men,  Indian  women, 
baggage,  artillery,  prisoners,  and  boxes  (petacas) 
which,  I  suppose,  supported  the  pontoon.  On  every 
side  the  most  piteous  cries  were  heard:  'Help  me! 
I  drown!'  'Rescue  me!  They  are  killing  me!'  Such 
vain  demands  were  mingled  with  prayers  to  the  Virgin 
Mary  and  to  Saint  James.  Those  that  did  get  upon 
the  bridge  and  on  the  causeway  found  hands  of 
Mexicans  ready  to  push  them  down  again  into  the 
water. 

u  At  the  second  bridge-way  a  single  beam  was  found, 
which  doubtless  had  been  left  for  the  convenience  of 
the  Mexicans  themselves.  This  was  useless  for  the 
horses,  but  Cortes  diverging,  found  a  shallow  place 
where  the  water  did  not  reach  further  than  up  to  the 
saddle,  and  by  that  he  and  his  horsemen  passed  (as 
Sandoval  must  have  done  before).  He  contrived,  also 
to  get  his  foot-soldiers  safely  to  the  mainland,  though 
whether  they  swam  or  waded,  whether  they  kept  the 
line  of  the  causeway,  or  diverged  into  the  shallows, 
it  is  difficult  to  determine.  Leaving  the  vanguard 
and  his  own  division  safe  on  shore,  Cortes  with  a  small 
body  of  horse  and  foot,  returned  to  give  what  assis- 
tance he  could  to  those  who  were  left  behind.  All 
order  was  now  lost,  and  the  retreat  was  little  else  than 
a  confused  slaughter,  although  small  bodies  of  the 
Spaniards  still   retained  sufficient  presence  of  mind 


190  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

to  act  together,  rushing  forward,  clearing  the  space 
about  them,  making  their  way  at  each  moment  with 
loss  of  life,  but  still  some  few  survivors  getting  onward. 
Few,  indeed,  of  the  rear-guard  could  have  escaped. 
It  is  told  as  a  wonder  of  Alvarado,  that,  coming  to  the 
last  bridge,  he  made  a  leap,  which  has  by  many  been 
deemed  impossible,  and  cleared  the  vast  aperture. 
When  Cortes  came  up  to  him,  he  was  found  accompanied 
by  only  seven  soldiers  and  eight  Tlascalans,  all  covered 
with  blood  from  their  many  wounds.  They  told  Cortes 
that  there  was  no  use  in  going  further  back,  that  all 
who  remained  alive  were  there  with  him.  Upon  this 
the  General  turned;  and  the  small  and  melancholy 
band  of  Spaniards  pushed  on  to  Tlacuba,  Cortes  pro- 
tecting the  rear.  It  is  said  that  he  sat  down  on  a 
stone  in  the  village  called  Popotla  near  Tlacuba,  and 
wept;  a  rare  occurrence,  for  he  was  not  a  man  to  waste 
any  energy  in  weeping  while  aught  remained  to  be 
done.  The  country  was  aroused  against  them,  and 
they  did  not  rest  for  the  night  till  they  had  fortified 
themselves  in  a  temple  on  a  hill  near  Tlacuba,  where 
afterward  was  built  a  church  dedicated,  very  appro- 
priately, to  Our  Lady  of  Refuge  (a  Nuestra  Senora 
it  los  Remedios)" 

There  is  an  old  story  of  a  Roman  general,  who  after 
a  most  terrific  defeat,  a  defeat  due  largely  to  his  own 
incompetency,  not  only  escaped  censure  but  was 
officially  thanked  by  the  senate,  because  he  declared 
publicly  that  he  did  not  despair  of  the  republic.  Of 
that  same  temper  was  Cortes. 

Exhorting  his  men  in  the  face  of  this  awful  peril 
which  menaced  them  to  conduct  themselves  as  white 
men,  as  Spaniards,  and  as  soldiers  of  the  Cross,  Cortes 
led  his  army  toward  Tlascala.    Upon  the  position  of 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  191 

that  republic  absolutely  depended  the  future.  It 
depends  upon  the  way  you  look  at  the  situation  as  to 
how  you  estimate  the  conduct  of  these  dusky  allies 
of  the  unfortunate  conqueror.  Had  there  been  any 
national  feeling  among  them,  had  their  hatred  of  the 
Aztecs  been  less,  they  might  have  broken  their  agree- 
ments with  the  Spaniards  and  overwhelmed  them, 
but  the  hatred  of  the  Tlascalans  did  not  permit 
them  to  look  beyond  the  present  day.  They  decided 
to  maintain  the  alliance  they  had  entered  into 
with  Cortes  and  welcomed  him  with  open  arms. 
They  gave  him  a  chance  to  recuperate,  to  get 
something  to  eat,  and  to  dress  the  wounds  of  his 
men.  All  the  Spaniards  wanted  was  time  to  bring 
about  the  inevitable  downfall  of  Mexico  and  the 
Mexicans. 

Among  the  men  who  had  followed  Narvaez  was  a 
Negro  who  had  brought  with  him  the  germs  of  small- 
pox, which  were  communicated  to  the  Aztecs  in  the 
city.  It  spared  neither  rich  nor  poor,  as  one  of  the 
first  victims  was  their  leader,  Cuitlahua.  The  electors 
chose  his  nephew  to  succeed  him,  the  youthful  Gua- 
temoc,  or,  as  he  was  commonly  called,  Guatemotzin. 
In  some  respects  in  spite  of  the  lack  of  the  sagacity 
and  farsightedness  of  Cuitlahua,  he  was  a  better  man 
for  the  problem,  for  he  at  once  mustered  his  forces 
and  launched  them  upon  Cortes  and  the  Tlascalans 
in  the  valley  of  Otumba.  The  Tlascalans  had  fur- 
nished shelter  and  provisions  to  Cortes,  and  had 
resolved  to  stand  by  their  treaty  with  him,  but  they  had 
not  yet  furnished  him  with  any  great  assistance.  A 
strong  party  in  the  council  had  been  entirely  opposed 
to  doing  anything  whatever  for  him.  Cortes  prac- 
tically had  to  fight  the  battle  alone  and  the  battle  had 


192  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

to  be  won.  He  and  his  fought,  as  the  saying  is,  with 
halters  around  their  necks. 

All  day  long  the  Spaniards  and  their  few  allies 
fought  up  and  down  the  narrow  valley.  Defeat  meant 
certain  death.  They  must  conquer  or  be  tortured, 
sacrificed  and  eaten.  It  was  Cortes  himself  who 
decided  the  issue.  With  Alvarado  and  a  few  of  the 
other  captains,  he  finally  broke  through  the  Aztec 
centre,  with  his  own  hand  killed  the  Aztec  general,  to 
whom  Guatemoc  had  committed  the  battle,  and  seized 
the  Aztec  standard.  At  the  close  of  the  long  hours  of 
fighting  the  natives  broke  and  fled,  and  the  supremacy 
of  Cortes  and  the  Spaniards  was  once  more  established. 

Wavering  Tlascala  decided  for  Cortes  and  he  was 
received  with  generous,  royal  and  munificent  hos- 
pitality, which  accorded  him  everything  he  asked. 
Messengers  were  despatched  to  Hispaniola  for  rein- 
forcements and  every  preparation  made  for  the  renewal 
of  the  campaign.  During  the  fall,  troops,  horses,  men, 
guns  and  thousands  of  the  flower  of  the  Tlascalan 
army  were  placed  at  Cortes's  disposal.  He  occupied 
them  by  sending  expeditions  in  every  direction,  thus  re- 
storing their  morale  and  punishing  the  savage  tribes 
who  had  revolted  against  the  Spanish  rule  and  had  re- 
turned to  their  old  allegiance  to  the  Aztec  emperor. 
The  punishments  were  fearful.  The  resources  of  the 
Mexicans  were  gradually  cut  off  and  by  the  end  of  the 
fear  the  Aztecs  realized  that  they  would  have  to  fight 
their  last  battle  alone.  These  successful  campaigns 
reestablished  the  prestige  which  the  Spaniards  had  lost. 
The  people  everywhere  knew  that  they  were  no  longer 
gods,  but  they  now  enjoyed  a  higher  reputation,  that 
of  being  invincible. 

Cortes   was   resolved   to   attack   Mexico.     With    a 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  193 

prudence  as  great  as  his  determination  he  decided  to 
neglect  no  precaution  which  would  insure  his  success. 
He  caused  to  be  built  a  number  of  brigantines  by 
which  he  could  secure  the  command  of  the  lake,  and 
thereby  give  access  to  the  city  for  his  troops  and  allies. 
These  brigantines  were  built  at  Tlascala  under  the 
supervision  of  the  sailors  of  the  expedition.  The 
rigging  of  the  ships,  which  had  been  destroyed,  was 
useful  in  fitting  them  out.  They  were  built  in  pieces 
and  arrangements  were  made  to  carry  them  over  the 
mountains  and  put  them  together  at  the  lake  when  the 
campaign  began.  Guns  and  provisions  were  also 
amassed.  Powder  was  brought  from  Cuba  and  it 
was  also  made  by  means  of  the  sulphur  deposits  of 
the  volcanoes  round  about.  The  troops  were  daily 
drilled  and  trained.  Daily  prayers  were  held,  and 
every  effort  was  made  to  give  the  forthcoming  campaign 
the  spirit  of  a  crusade.  The  strictest  moral  regulations 
were  promulgated.  In  short,  nothing  was  left  undone 
to  bring  about  the  downfall  of  Mexico. 

On  his  part,  Guatemoc  was  not  idle.  He  summoned 
to  his  assistance  all  the  tribes  that  remained  loyal  to 
him,  especially  those  to  the  west,  not  subjected  to  the 
Spanish  attack.  He  strove  by  bribery  to  detach  those 
who  had  given  their  adherence  to  Cortes.  Vast  num- 
bers of  allies  assembled  in  Mexico,  which  was  pro- 
visioned for  a  siege.  Everything  that  occurred  to 
the  minds  of  these  splendid  barbarians  was  done. 
After  having  done  all  that  was  possible,  with  resolu- 
tion which  cannot  be  commended  too  highly,  they 
calmly  awaited  the  onset  of  the  Spaniards. 

On  Christmas  day,  1520,  Cortes  took  up  the  march 
over  the  mountains  again  for  the  great  city  of  the 
cactus  rock. 


194  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

XII.     The  Siege  and  Destruction  of  Mexico 

It  was  April  of  the  next  year  when  Cortes  at  last 
arrived  before  the  city  and  began  the  siege.  The 
force  which  he  had  mustered  for  this  tremendous 
undertaking  consisted  of  seven  hundred  Spanish 
infantry,  one  hundred  and  twenty  arquebuses,  eighty- 
six  horsemen,  twelve  cannon,  and  a  countless  multi- 
tude of  Tlascalan  fighters  together  with  numbers  of 
slaves  and  servants. 

As  the  city  was  connected  with  the  mainland  by 
three  causeways,  it  was  necessary  to  invest  it  on  three 
sides.  The  army  was  divided  into  three  equal  divi- 
sions. He  himself  commanded  the  force  that  was  to 
attack  along  the  south  causeway;  with  him  was  San- 
doval, his  most  trusted  and  efficient  lieutenant;  Alva- 
rado  led  that  which  was  to  advance  over  the  west 
causeway  and  Olid  was  to  close  the  north  causeway. 
The  brigantines  were  brought  over  the  mountains  by 
hand  by  thousands  of  Tlascalans.  There  were  no 
vehicles  or  highways  of  any  sort  in  Mexico;  the  Mexi- 
cans not  having  domesticated  any  animals  there  was 
no  use  for  anything  broader  than  a  foot-path,  a  fact 
which  throws  an  interesting  side-light  on  their  civili- 
zation, by  the  way.  These  Spanish  boats  were  put 
together  on  the  shores  of  the  lake  and  when  they  were 
launched  they  served  to  close  the  ring  of  steel  which 
surrounded  the  doomed  city. 

The  three  great  tribal  divisions  of  the  Aztec  empire 
were  the  Aztecs  themselves,  the  Cholulans  and  the  Tez- 
cocans.  Cholula  had  been  conquered  and  with  Tezcoco 
at  this  critical  juncture  went  over  to  the  Spaniards, 
leaving  Guatemoc  and  his  Aztecs  to  fight  the  last  fight 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  195 

alone.  Besides  the  forces  enumerated,  each  Spanish 
division  was  accompanied  by  formidable  bodies  of 
Tlascalans.  The  Tlascalans  were  nearly,  if  not  quite, 
as  good  fighters  as  the  Aztecs;  perhaps  they  were 
better  fighters,  so  far  as  their  numbers  went,  when 
led  and  supported  by  the  white  people. 

The  first  thing  that  Cortes  did  was  to  cut  the  aque- 
duct which  carried  fresh  water  into  the  city.  The 
lake  of  Tezcoco  in  which  Mexico  stood  was  salt.  By 
this  one  stroke,  Cortes  forced  the  inhabitants  to  depend 
upon  a  very  meagre,  scanty  supply  of  water  from  wells 
in  the  city,  many  of  which  were  brackish  and  unpala- 
table. The  shores  of  the  lake  were  swept  bare  by  the 
beleaguerers.  Iztatapalan,  a  rocky  fortress  was  taken 
by  storm  and  on  April  21,  1521,  the  first  attack  was 
delivered  along  the  causeways.  The  Mexicans  met 
the  advance  with  their  customary  intrepidity.  The 
water  on  either  side  of  the  causeway  swarmed  with 
canoes.  Thousands  of  warriors  poured  out  of  the 
city.  The  canoes  swept  down  the  lake  intending  to 
take  the  Spaniards  in  reverse  and  then  pour  in  a  terrible 
flank  fire  of  missiles  as  they  had  done  on  the  Melan- 
choly Night.  Cortes  sustained  this  fire  for  a  short 
time  in  order  to  draw  the  canoes  as  far  toward  him  as 
possible,  then  he  let  loose  the  brigantines. 

These  brigantines  were  boats  propelled  by  oars 
and  sails  on  a  single  mast.  They  carried  about  a 
score  of  armed  men  and  were  very  well  and  stoutly 
built.  I  suppose  them  to  have  been  something  like 
a  modern  man-o'-war  cutter.  They  played  havoc 
with  the  frail  canoes.  Their  solid  construction,  their 
higher  free-board,  that  is,  the  height  they  were  above 
the  water-line,  the  armor  of  their  crews  and  the  fact 
that   the  wind    happened  to   be  favorable    and    they 


196  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

could  sail  instead  of  row  that  morning,  all  contributed 
to  the  utter  and  complete  destruction  of  the  Indian 
flotilla.  Canoes  were  splintered  and  sunk.  Men 
were  killed  by  the  hundreds.  They  strove  to  climb 
up  the  slippery  sides  of  the  causeways  and  dykes. 
The  Spaniards  thrust  them  off  into  the  deep  water 
with  their  spears  or  cut  them  to  pieces  with  their  swords. 
The  battle  along  the  causeways,  which  were  narrow, 
although  quite  wide  enough  for  a  dozen  horsemen 
abreast,  was  terrible.  The  Aztecs  literally  died  in  their 
tracks,  disdaining  to  fly.  The  Spaniards  made  their 
way  over  a  floor  of  dead  and  writhing  bodies. 

Bare  breasts,  however  resolute  the  hearts  that  beat 
beneath  them,  were  no  match  for  the  steel  cuirasses. 
The  wooden  shields  did  not  even  blunt  the  edge  of  the 
Toledo  blade;  the  obsidian  battle-axes  could  not 
contest  with  the  iron  maces.  The  jewelled  feather 
work  of  the  proudest  noble  was  not  equal  even  to  the 
steel-trimmed  leather  jerkin  of  the  poorest  white 
soldier.  The  Spaniards  literally  cut  their  way,  hewed, 
hacked,  thrust  their  way  into  the  city. 

Here  the  fighting  was  slightly  more  equalized.  The 
low  roofs  of  the  houses  and  pueblos  swarmed  with 
warriors.  They  rained  missiles  down  upon  the  Span- 
iards' heads,  while  a  never  diminishing  mob  hurled 
itself  into  the  faces  of  the  white  men.  The  Aztecs 
could  have  done  more  damage  if  they  had  not  sacri- 
ficed everything  in  order  to  capture  the  Spaniards 
alive.  In  some  instances  they  succeeded  in  their 
purpose.  The  fighting  which  was  the  same  in  all  three 
of  the  causeways  lasted  all  day  and  then  the  Spaniards 
retired  to  their  several  camps. 

Save  for  the  fact  that  they  afterward  cleared  the 
lake  of  the  canoes  by  the  aid  of  the  brigantines,  one 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  197 

day's  fighting  was  like  another.  The  Spaniards  would 
march  into  the  city,  slaughter  until  their  arms  were 
weary:  They  would  lose  a  few  here  and  there  every 
day.  The  Tlascalans  who  took  their  part  in  all  the 
fighting  lost  many.  The  end  of  the  day  would  see 
things  in  statu  quo.  There  were  enough  of  the  Indians 
even  to  sacrifice  one  hundred  of  them  to  one  Spaniard 
and  still  maintain  the  balance  of  power.  Cortes 
observed  that  he  might  fight  this  way  until  all  of  his 
army  had  melted  away  by  piecemeal  and  have  taken 
nothing. 

He  determined  upon  the  dreadful  expedient  of 
destroying  the  city  as  he  captured  it.  After  coming 
to  this  decision,  he  summoned  to  his  aid  large  bodies 
of  the  subject  tribes.  Thereafter,  while  the  Spaniards 
and  the  Tlascalans  fought,  the  others  tore  down  that 
portion  of  the  city  which  had  been  taken.  The  build- 
ings were  absolutely  razed  to  the  ground  and  nothing 
whatever  was  left  of  them.  Canals  were  filled,  gar- 
dens were  ruined,  trees  cut  down  and  even  the  walls 
of  the  city  torn  apart.  In  short,  what  once  had  been 
a  teeming  populous  quarter  of  the  city,  abounding  in 
parks,  gardens  and  palaces,  was  left  a  desert.  There 
was  not  enough  power  left  in  the  Aztec  Confederacy 
to  rebuild  the  devastated  portions  over  night  and  the 
Spaniards  daily  pressed  their  attack  on  every  side 
with   relentless   rigor. 

The  Mexicans  were  slowly  constricted  to  an  ever 
narrowing  circle.  The  Spaniards  seized  and  choked 
up  the  wells.  The  Mexicans  were  dying  of  thirst. 
The  brigantines  swept  the  lake  and  prevented  any 
reinforcements  reaching  them,  which  cut  off  their  supply 
of  provisions.  They  were  dying  of  hunger.  After 
every  day's  fighting  Cortes  offered  amnesty.     To  do 


198  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

him  justice,  he  begged  that  peace  might  be  made  and 
the  fighting  stopped  before  the  city  was  ruined  and 
all  its  inhabitants  were  killed.  He  was  no  mere  mur- 
derer, and  such  scenes  of  slaughter  horrified  him.  He 
had  a  genuine  admiration  for  the  enemy  too.  He 
tried  his  best  to  secure  peace.  His  offers  were  repu- 
diated with  contempt.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  they 
were  starving,  the  Aztecs  in  bravado  actually  threw 
provisions  in  the  faces  of  the  advancing  Spaniards. 
They  declared  to  the  Tlascalans  that  when  there  was 
nothing  left  to  eat  they  would  eat  them,  and  if  there 
was  nothing  else,  they  would  live  on  one  another  until 
they  were  all  dead.  They  mocked  and  jeered  at  the 
tribes  tearing  down  the  houses,  and  with  grim  humor 
pointed  out  to  them  that  they  would  have  to  rebuild 
the  city  whoever  was  successful  in  the  strife,  for  either 
the  Aztecs  or  the  Spaniards  would  compel  them  to 
do  so.     So  the  fighting  went  on  through  the  long  days. 

XIII.     A  Day  of  Desperate  Fighting 

On  one  occasion  the  soldiers,  tiring  of  this,  demanded, 
and  Cortes  in  compliance  with  their  wishes  projected, 
an  attack  which  was  hoped  would  capture  the  narrow 
circle  of  defense  by  storm.  In  his  own  words  the 
story  of  this  day's  fighting  is  now  related.  It  will  be 
seen  how  he  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life: 

"The  day  after  mass,*  in  pursuance  of  the  arrange- 
ments already  mentioned,  the  seven  brigantines  with 
more  than  three  thousand  canoes  of  our  allies  left  the 
encampment;  and    I,    with    twenty-five    horses    and 

*  Archbishop  Lorenzana,  in  his  note  on  this  passage,  greatly  extols  the  pious  fervor 
of  Cortes,  who,  he  says,  "whether  in  the  field  or  on  the  causeway,  in  the  midst  of  the 
enemy  or  toiling  by  night  or  day,"  never  omitted  the  celebration  of  the  mass. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  199 

all  the  other  force  I  had,  including  the  seventy-five  men 
from  the  division  at  Tacuba,  took  up  the  line  of  march 
and  entered  the  city,  where  I  distributed  the  troops 
in  the  following  manner:  There  were  three  streets 
leading  from  where  we  entered  to  the  market-place, 
called  by  the  Indians  Tianguizco,  and  the  whole 
square  in  which  it  is  situated  is  called  Tlaltelulco;  one 
of  these  streets  was  the  principal  avenue  to  the  market- 
place, which  I  ordered  your  Majesty's  treasurer  and 
auditor  to  take,  with  seventy  men  and  more  than  fifteen 
or  twenty  thousand  of  our  allies,  and  rear-guard  con- 
sisting of  seven  or  eight  horses.  I  also  directed  that, 
whenever  a  bridge  or  entrenchment  was  taken,  it 
should  be  immediately  filled  up;  and  for  this  purpose 
they  had  twelve  men  with  pick-axes,  together  with 
many  more  of  our  allies  who  were  very  useful  in  this 
kind  of  work.  The  two  other  streets  also  lead  from 
that  of  Tacuba  to  the  market-place,  and  are  narrower 
and  full  of  causeways,  bridges,  and  water-streets 
(or  canals).  I  ordered  two  captains,*  to  take  the 
wildest  of  these  with  eighty  men  and  more  than  ten 
thousand  of  our  Indian  allies;  and  at  the  head  of  the 
street  of  Tacuba  I  placed  two  heavy  cannon  with  eight 
horse  to  guard  them.  With  eight  other  horse  and 
about  one  hundred  foot,  including  twenty-five  or 
more  bowmen  and  musketeers,  and  an  innumerable 
host  of  our  allies,  I  took  up  the  line  of  march  along 
the  other  narrow  street,  intending  to  penetrate  as  far 
as  possible.  At  its  entrance  I  caused  the  cavalry  to 
halt,  and  ordered  them  by  no  means  to  pass  from 
there,  nor  to  come  in  my  rear,  unless  I  first  sent  them 
orders  to  that  effect;  and  then  I   alighted  from  my 

*  They  were  Andres  de  Tapia  and  George  de  Alvarado,  a  brother  of  the  more 
famous  Pedro,  Tonatiuh. 


200  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

horse,  and  we  came  to  an  entrenchment  that  had  been 
raised  in  front  of  a  bridge,  which  we  carried  by  means 
of  a  small  field-piece,  and  the  archers  and  musketeers, 
and  then  proceeded  along  the  causeway,  which  was 
broken  in  two  or  three  places,  where  we  encountered 
the  enemy.  So  great  was  the  number  of  our  allies, 
who  ascended  the  terraces  and  other  places,  that  it 
did  not  appear  possible  anything  could  stop  us.  When 
we  had  gained  the  two  bridges,  the  entrenchments 
and  the  causeways,  our  allies  followed  along  the  street 
without  taking  any  spoils;  and  I  remained  behind 
with  about  twenty  Spanish  soldiers  on  a  little  island, 
for  I  saw  that  some  of  our  Indians  were  getting  into 
trouble  with  the  enemy;  and  in  some  instances  they 
retreated  until  they  cast  themselves  into  the  water, 
and  with  our  aid  were  enabled  to  return  to  the  attack. 
Besides  this,  we  were  on  the  watch  to  prevent  the 
enemy  from  sallying  forth  out  of  the  cross-streets  in 
the  rear  of  the  Spaniards,  who  had  advanced  on  the 
main  street  and  at  this  time  sent  us  word  that  they 
had  made  much  progress,  and  were  not  far  from  the 
great  square  of  the  market-place;  adding,  that  they 
wished  to  push  forward,  for  they  already  heard  the 
noise  of  the  combat  in  which  the  Alguazil  mayor  and 
Pedro  de  Alvarado  were  engaged  on  their  side  of  the 
city.  I  answered  them  that  they  must  by  no  means 
go  forward  without  leaving  the  bridges  well  filled  up, 
so  that,  if  it  became  necessary  to  beat  a  retreat,  the 
water  might  present  no  obstacle  or  impediment,  for 
in  this  consisted  all  the  danger.  They  sent  to  me  a 
message  in  reply,  the  amount  of  which  was  that  the 
whole  they  had  gained  was  in  good  condition,  and  that 
I  might  go  and  see  if  it  was  not  so.  But  suspecting 
that   they   had   disregarded   the   orders   and   left   the 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  201 

bridges  imperfectly  filled  up,  I  went  to  the  place  and 
found  they  had  passed  a  breach  in  the  road  ten  or 
twelve  paces  wide,  and  the  water  that  flowed  through 
it  was  ten  or  twelve  feet  deep.  At  the  time  the  troops 
had  passed  this  ditch,  thus  formed,  they  had  thrown 
in  it  wood  and  reed-canes,  and  as  they  had  crossed  a 
few  at  a  time  and  with  great  circumspection,  the 
wood  and  canes  had  not  sunk  beneath  their  weight; 
and  they  were  so  intoxicated  with  the  pleasure  of  victory 
that  they  imagined  it  to  be  sufficiently  firm.  At  the 
moment  I  reached  this  bridge  of  troubles,  I  discovered 
some  Spaniards  and  many  of  our  allies  flying  back  in 
great  haste,  and  the  enemy  like  dogs  in  pursuit  of  them; 
and  when  I  saw  such  a  rout,  I  began  to  cry  out,  'Hold, 
hold  V  and  on  approaching  the  water,  I  beheld  it  full 
of  Spaniards  and  Indians  in  so  dense  a  mass  that  it 
seemed  as  if  there  was  not  room  for  a  straw  to  float. 
The  enemy  charged  on  the  fugitives  so  hotly,  that  in 
the  melee  they  threw  themselves  into  the  water  after 
them;  and  soon  the  enemy's  canoes  came  up  by  means 
of  the  canal  and  took  the  Spaniards  alive. 

As  this  affair  was  so  sudden,  and  I  saw  them  killing 
our  men,  I  resolved  to  remain  there  and  perish  in  the 
fight.  The  way  in  which  I  and  those  that  were  with 
me  could  do  the  most  good  was  to  give  our  hands  to 
some  unfortunate  Spaniards  who  were  drowning,  and 
draw  them  out  of  the  water;  some  came  out  wounded, 
others  half-drowned,  and  others  without  arms,  whom 
I  sent  forward.  Already  such  multitudes  of  the  enemy 
pressed  upon  us,  that  they  had  completely  surrounded 
me  and  the  twelve  or  fifteen  men  who  were  with  me; 
and  being  deeply  interested  in  endeavoring  to  save 
those  that  were  sinking,  I  did  not  observe  nor  regard 
the  danger  to  which  I  was  exposed.     Several  Indians 


202  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

of  the  enemy  had  already  advanced  to  seize  me  and 
would  have  borne  me  off,  had  it  not  been  for  a  captain 
of  fifty  men  whom  I  always  had  with  me,  and  also  a 
youth  of  his  company,  to  whom  next  to  God,  I  owed 
my  life;  and  in  saving  mine,  like  a  valiant  man,  he 
lost  his  own.*  In  the  meantime  the  Spaniards  who 
had  fled  before  the  enemy,  pursued  their  course  along 
the  causeway,  and  as  it  was  small  and  narrow,  and  on 
the  same  level  as  the  water,  which  had  been  effected 
by  those  dogs  on  purpose  to  annoy  us;  and  as  the  road 
was  crowded  also  with  our  allies  who  had  been  routed, 
much  delay  was  thereby  occasioned,  enabling  the 
enemy  to  come  up  on  both  sides  of  the  water,  and  to 
take  and  destroy  as  many  as  they  pleased.  The  captain 
who  was  with  me,  Antonio  de  Quinones,  said  to  me: 
'Let  us  leave  this  place  and  save  your  life,  since  you 
know  that  without  you  none  of  us  can  escape';  but 
he  could  not  induce  me  to  go.  When  he  saw  this,  he 
seized  me  in  his  arms,  that  he  might  force  me  away; 
and  although  I  would  have  been  better  satisfied  to  die 
than  to  live,  yet  by  the  importunity  of  this  captain 
and  of  my  other  companions,  we  began  to  retreat, 
making  our  way  with  our  swords  and  bucklers  against 
the  enemy,  who  pressed  hard  upon  us.  At  this  moment 
there  came  up  a  servant  of  mine  and  made  a  little 
room;  but  presently  he  received  a  blow  in  his  throat 
from  a  lance  thrown  from  a  low  terrace,  that  brought 
him  to  the  ground.  While  I  was  in  the  midst  of  this 
conflict,  sustaining  the  attacks  of  the  enemy,  and 
waiting  for  the  crowd  on  the  narrow  causeway,  to 
reach  a  place  of  safety,  one  of  my  servants  brought 

*  Antonio  dc  Quinones  was  the  captain  and  Francisco  de  Olea,  the  youth,  according 
to  Gomara;  who  says  that  the  latter  cut  off  at  one  blow  the  arms  of  the  men  that  had 
seized  Cortes,  and  was  himself  immediately  slain  by  the  enemy.  Cortet  was  then 
rescued  by  Quinones. —  Cron.  Nuev.  Esp.  cap.,  138. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  203 

me  a  horse  to  ride  on.  But  the  mud  on  the  causeway, 
occasioned  by  the  coming  and  going  of  persons  by 
water,  was  so  deep  that  no  one  could  stand,  especially 
with  the  jostling  of  the  people  against  one  another  in 
their  effort  to  escape. 

"I  mounted  the  horse,  but  not  to  fight,  as  this  was 
impossible  on  horseback;  but  if  it  had  been  practicable 
I  should  have  found  on  the  little  island  opposite  the 
narrow  causeway,  the  eight  horsemen  I  had  left  there, 
who  were  unable  to  do  more  than  effect  their  return; 
which  indeed,  was  so  dangerous  that  two  mares,  on 
which  two  of  my  servants  rode  fell  from  the  causeway 
into  the  water;  one  of  them  was  killed  by  the  Indians, 
but  the  other  was  saved  by  some  of  the  infantry. 
Another  servant  of  mine  Cristobal  de  Guzman,  rode 
a  horse  that  they  gave  him  at  the  little  island  to  bring 
to  me,  on  which  I  might  make  my  escape;  but  the 
enemy  killed  both  him  and  the  horse  before  they 
reached  me;  his  death  spread  sorrow  through  the 
whole  camp,  and  even  to  this  day  his  loss  is  still  mourned 
by  those  who  knew  him.  But  after  all  our  troubles, 
by  the  blessing  of  God,  those  of  us  who  survived, 
reached  the  street  of  Tlacuba,  which  was  very  wide; 
and  collecting  the  people,  I  took  my  post  with  nine 
horsemen  in  the  rear-guard.  The  enemy  pressed 
forward  with  all  the  pride  of  victory,  as  if  resolved 
that  none  should  escape  with  life;  but  falling  back  in 
the  best  manner  I  could,  I  sent  word  to  the  treasurer 
and  auditor  to  retreat  to  the  public  square  in  good 
order.  I  also  sent  similar  orders  to  the  two  captains 
who  had  entered  the  city  by  the  street  that  led  to  the 
market-place,  both  of  whom  had  fought  gallantly, 
and  carried  many  entrenchments  and  bridges,  which 
they  had  caused  to  be  well  filled  up,  on  account  of 


204  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

which  they  were  able  to  retire  without  loss.  Before 
the  retreat  of  the  treasurer  and  auditor  some  of  the 
enemy  threw  in  their  way  two  or  three  heads  of  Chris- 
tian men  from  the  upper  part  of  the  entrenchment 
where  they  were  fighting,  but  it  was  not  known  whether 
they  were  persons  belonging  to  the  camp  of  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  or  our  own.  All  being  assembled  in  the 
square,  so  large  a  multitude  of  the  enemy  charged 
upon  us  from  all  directions  that  we  had  as  much  as 
we  could  do  to  keep  them  back;  and  that,  too,  in 
places  where,  before  this  defeat,  the  enemy  would 
have  fled  before  three  horse  and  ten  foot.  Imme- 
diately after,  in  a  lofty  tower  filled  with  their  idols 
that  stood  near  the  square,  they  burned  perfumes 
and  fumigated  the  air  with  certain  gums  peculiar  to 
this  country,  that  greatly  resembled  anime,  which 
they  offer  to  their  idols  in  token  of  victory.  Although 
we  endeavored  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the 
enemy,  it  was  out  of  our  power,  as  our  people  were 
hurrying  back  to  the  camp. 

"In  this  defeat  thirty-five  or  forty  Spaniards,  and 
more  than  a  thousand  of  our  allies,  were  slain  by  the 
enemy,  besides  more  than  twenty  Christians  wounded, 
among  whom  was  myself  in  the  leg.  We  lost  the  small 
field-piece  that  we  had  taken  with  us,  and  many  cross- 
bows, muskets  and  other  arms.  Immediately  after 
their  victory  in  order  to  strike  terror  into  the  Alguazil 
mayor  and  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  the  enemy  carried 
all  the  Spaniards,  both  living  and  dead,  whom  they 
had  taken,  to  the  Tlaltelulco  which  is  the  market-place, 
and  in  some  of  the  lofty  towers  that  are  situated  there 
they  sacrificed  them  naked,  opening  their  breasts  and 
taking  out  their  hearts  to  offer  them  to  the  idols.  This 
was  seen  by  the  Spaniards  of  Alvarado's  division  from 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  205 

where  they  were  fighting,  and  from  the  whiteness  of 
the  naked  bodies  which  they  saw  sacrificed  they  knew 
them  to  be  Christians;  but  although  they  suffered 
great  sorrow  and  dismay  at  the  sight,  they  effected  a 
retreat  to  their  camp  after  having  fought  gallantly 
that  day,  and  carried  their  conquests  almost  to  the 
market-place,  which  would  have  been  taken  if  God, 
on  account  of  our  sins,  had  not  permitted  so  great  a 
disaster.  We  returned  to  our  camp,  such  was  the  grief 
we  felt,  somewhat  earlier  than  had  been  usual  on  other 
days;  and  in  addition  to  our  other  losses,  we  had  been 
told  that  the  brigantines  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemies,  who  attacked  them  in  their  canoes  from 
the  rear;  but  it  pleased  God  this  was  not  true,  although 
the  brigantines  and  the  canoes  of  our  allies  had  been 
seen  in  danger  enough,  and  even  a  brigantine  came 
near  being  lost,  the  captain  and  the  master  of  it  being 
wounded,  the  former  of  whom  died  eight  days 
afterward." 

This  modest  account  of  the  brave  soldier  scarcely 
does  justice  to  the  situation,  his  peril  and  his  courage. 
Therefore,  I  supplement  it  by  Helps'  description 
of  the  same  day  of  desperate  fighting: 

"The  impatience  of  the  soldiers  grew  to  a  great 
height,  and  was  supported  in  an  official  quarter  — 
by  no  less  a  person  than  Alderete,  the  King's  Treasurer. 
Cortes  gave  way  against  his  own  judgment  to  their 
importunities.  There  had  all  along  been  a  reason 
for  his  reluctance,  which,  probably,  he  did  not  com- 
municate to  his  men;  namely,  that  he  had  not  aban- 
doned the  hope  that  the  enemy  would  still  come  to 
terms.  'Finally/  he  says,  'they  pressed  me  so  much 
that  I  gave  way.' 

"The  attack  was  to  be  a  general  one,  in  which  the 


206  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

divisions  of  Sandoval  and  Alvarado  were  to  cooperate; 
but  Cortes,  with  that  knowledge  of  character  which 
belonged  to  him,  particularly  explained  that,  though 
his  general  orders  were  for  them  to  press  into  the 
market-place,  they  were  not  obliged  to  gain  a  single 
difficult  pass  which  laid  them  open  to  defeat;  'for,' 
he  says,  'I  knew,  from  the  men  they  were,  that  they 
would  advance  to  whatever  spot  I  told  them  to  gain, 
even  if  they  knew  that  it  would  cost  them  their  lives.' 

"On  the  appointed  day,  Cortes  moved  from  his 
camp,  supported  by  seven  brigantines,  and  by  more 
than  three  thousand  canoes  filled  with  his  Indian  allies. 
When  his  soldiers  reached  the  entrance  of  the  city, 
he  divided  them  in  the  following  manner.  There 
were  three  streets  which  led  to  the  market-place  from 
the  position  which  the  Spaniards  had  already  gained. 
Along  the  principal  street,  the  King's  Treasurer,  with 
seventy  Spaniards,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand 
allies  was  to  make  his  way.  His  rear  was  to  be  pro- 
tected by  a  small  guard  of  horsemen. 

"The  other  streets  were  smaller,  and  led  from  the 
street  of  Tlacuba  to  the  market-place.  Along  the 
broader  of  these  two  streets,  Cortes  sent  two  of  his 
principal  captains,  with  eighty  Spaniards  and  the 
thousand  Indians;  he  himself  with  eight  horsemen, 
seventy-five  foot-soldiers,  twenty-five  musketeers,  and 
an  'infinite  number'  of  allies,  was  to  enter  the  narrower 
street.  At  the  entrance  to  the  street  of  Tlacuba,  he 
left  two  large  cannon  with  eight  horsemen  to  guard 
them,  and  at  the  entrance  of  his  own  street,  he  also 
left  eight  horsemen  to  protect  the  rear. 

"The  Spaniards  and  their  allies  made  their  entrance 
into  the  city  with  even  more  success  and  less  embarrass- 
ment than  on  previous  occasions.     Bridges  and  barri- 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  207 

cades  were  gained,  and  the  three  main  bodies  of  the 
army  moved  forward  into  the  heart  of  the  city.  The 
ever-prudent  Cortes  did  not  follow  his  division,  but 
remained  with  a  small  body-guard  of  twenty  Spaniards 
in  a  little  island  formed  by  the  intersection  of  certain 
water  streets,  whence  he  encouraged  the  allies,  who 
were  occasionally  beaten  back  by  the  Mexicans,  and 
where  he  could  protect  his  own  troops  against  any 
sudden  descent  of  the  enemy  from  certain  side  streets. 

"He  now  received  a  message  from  these  Spanish 
troops  who  had  made  a  rapid  and  successful  advance 
into  the  heart  of  the  town,  informing  him  that  they 
were  not  far  from  the  market-place,  and  that  they 
wished  to  have  his  permission  to  push  forward,  as 
they  already  heard  the  noise  of  the  combats  which 
the  Alguazii  mayor  and  Pedro  de  Alvarado  were 
waging  from  their  respective  stations.  To  this  mes- 
sage Cortes  returned  for  answer  that  on  no  account 
should  they  move  forward  without  first  filling  up  the 
apertures  thoroughly.  They  sent'  an  answer  back, 
stating  that  they  had  made  completely  passable  all 
the  ground  they  had  gained;  and  that  he  might 
come  and  see  whether  it  were  not  so. 

"Cortes,  like  a  wise  commander,  not  inclined  to 
admit  anything  as  a  fact  upon  the  statement  of  others 
which  could  be  verified  by  personal  inspection,  took 
them  at  their  word,  and  did  move  on  to  see  what  sort 
of  a  pathway  they  had  made;  when,  to  his  dismay,  he 
came  in  sight  of  a  breach  in  the  causeway,  of  con- 
siderable magnitude,  being  ten  or  twelve  paces  in 
width,  and  which,  far  from  being  filled  up  with  solid 
material,  had  been  passed  upon  wood  and  reeds,  which 
was  entirely  insecure  in  case  of  retreat.  The  S  paniards, 
'intoxicated     with     victory/     as     their     Commander 


208  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

describes  them,  had  rushed  on,  imagining  that  they 
left  behind  them  a  sufficient  pathway. 

"There  was  now  no  time  to  remedy  this  lamentable 
error,  for  when  Cortes  arrived  near  this  'bridge  of 
affliction,'  as  he  calls  it,  he  saw  many  of  the  Spaniards 
and  the  allies  retreating  toward  it,  and  when  he  came 
up  close  to  it,  he  found  the  bridge-way  broken  down, 
and  the  whole  aperture  so  full  of  Spaniards  and  Indians, 
that  there  was  not  room  for  a  straw  to  float  upon  the 
surface  of  the  water.  The  peril  was  so  imminent  that 
Cortes  not  only  thought  that  the  conquest  of  Mexico 
was  gone,  but  that  the  term  of  his  life  as  well  as  that 
of  his  victories  had  come;  and  he  resolved  to  die  there 
fighting.  All  that  he  could  do  at  first  was  to  help  his 
men  out  of  the  water;  and  meanwhile,  the  Mexicans 
charged  upon  them  in  such  numbers,  that  he  and  his 
little  party  were  entirely  surrounded.  The  enemy 
seized  upon  his  person,  and  would  have  carried  him 
off,  but  for  the  resolute  bravery  of  some  of  his  guard, 
one  of  whom  lost  his  life  there  in  succoring  his  master. 
The  greatest  aid,  however,  that  Cortes  had  at  this 
moment  of  urgent  peril,  was  the  cruel  superstition  of 
the  Mexicans,  which  made  them  wish  to  take  the 
Malinche  alive,  and  grudged  the  death  of  an  enemy 
in  any  other  way  than  that  of  sacrifice  to  their  detestable 
gods.  The  captain  of  the  body-guard  seized  hold  of 
Cortes,  and  insisted  upon  his  retreating,  declaring 
that  upon  his  life  depended  the  lives  of  all  of  them. 
Cortes,  though  at  that  moment  he  felt  that  he  should 
have  delighted  more  in  death  than  life,  gave  way  to  the 
importunity  of  his  captain,  and  of  other  Spaniards 
who  were  near,  and  commenced  a  retreat  for  his  life. 
His  flight  was  along  a  narrow  causeway  at  the  same 
level  as  the  water,  an  additional  circumstance  of  danger, 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  209 

which  to  use  his  expression  about  them,  those  'dogs' 
had  contrived  against  the  Spaniards.  The  Mexicans 
in  their  canoes  approached  the  causeway  on  both 
sides,  and  the  slaughter  they  were  thus  enabled  to 
commit,  both  among  the  allies  and  the  Spaniards,  was 
very  great.  Meanwhile,  two  or  three  horses  were  sent 
to  aid  Cortes  in  his  retreat,  and  a  youth  upon  one  of 
them  contrived  to  reach  him,  although  the  others  were 
lost.  At  last  he  and  a  few  of  his  men  succeeded  in 
fighting  their  way  to  the  broad  street  of  Tlacuba,  where, 
like  a  brave  captain,  instead  of  continuing  his  flight, 
he  and  the  few  horsemen  that  were  with  him  turned 
around  and  formed  a  rear-guard  to  protect  his  retreat- 
ing troops.  He  also  sent  immediate  orders  to  the 
King's  Treasurer  and  the  other  commanders  to  make 
good  their  escape;  orders  the  force  of  which  was  much 
heightened  by  the  sight  of  two  or  three  Spanish  heads 
which  the  Mexicans,  who  were  fighting  behind  a 
barricade,  threw  amongst  the  besiegers. 

"We  must  now  see  how  it  fared  with  the  other 
divisions.  Alvarado's  men  had  prospered  in  their 
attack,  and  were  steadily  advancing  toward  the  market- 
place, when,  all  of  a  sudden,  they  found  themselves 
encountered  by  an  immense  body  of  Mexican  troops, 
splendidly  accoutred,  who  threw  before  them  five  heads 
of  Spaniards  and  kept  shouting  out,  'Thus  we  will 
slay  you,  as  we  have  slain  Malinche  and  Sandoval, 
whose  heads  these  are.'  With  these  words  they 
commenced  an  attack  of  such  fury,  and  came  so  close 
to  hand  with  the  Spaniards,  that  they  could  not  use 
their  cross-bows,  their  muskets,  or  even  their  swords. 
One  thing,  however,  was  in  their  favor.  The  diffi- 
culty of  their  retreat  was  always  greatly  enhanced  by 
the  number  of  their  allies;  but  on  this  occasion,  the 


210  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

Tlascalans  no  sooner  saw  the  bleeding  heads  and 
heard  the  menacing  words  of  the  Mexicans,  than  they 
cleared  themselves  off  the  causeway  with  all  possible 
speed. 

"The  Spaniards,  therefore,  were  able  to  retreat  in 
good  order;  and  their  dismay  did  not  take  the  form 
of  panic,  even  when  they  heard,  from  the  summit  of 
the  Temple,  the  tones  of  that  awful  drum,  made  from 
the  skin  of  serpents,  which  gave  forth  the  most  melan- 
choly sound  imaginable,  and  which  was  audible  at  two 
or  three  leagues'  distance.  This  was  the  signal  of 
sacrifice,  and  at  that  moment  ten  human  hearts,  the 
hearts  of  their  companions,  were  being  offered  up  to 
the  Mexican  deities. 

"A  more  dangerous,  though  not  more  dreadful  sound 
was  now  to  be  heard.  This  was  the  blast  of  a  horn 
sounded  by  no  less  a  personage  than  the  Mexican 
King  —  which  signified  that  his  captains  were  to 
succeed  or  die.  The  mad  fury  with  which  the  Mexi- 
cans now  rushed  upon  the  Spaniards  was  an  *  awful 
thing'  to  see;  and  the  historian,  who  was  present  at 
the  scene,  writing  in  his  old  age,  exclaims  that,  though 
he  cannot  describe  it,  yet,  when  he  comes  to  think  of 
it,  it  is  as  if  it  were  *  visibly'  before  him,  so  deep  was 
the  impression  it  had  made  upon  his  mind. 

"But  the  Spaniards  were  not  raw  troops;  and  terror 
however  great,  was  not  able  to  overcome  their  sense 
of  discipline  and  their  duty  to  each  other  as  comrades. 
It  was  in  vain  that  the  Mexicans  rushed  upon  them 
'as  a  conquered  thing';  they  reached  their  station, 
served  their  cannon  steadily  —  although  they  had  to 
renew  their  artillery-men  —  and  maintained  their 
ground. 

"The  appalling  stratagem  adopted  by  the  Mexicans 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  211 

—  of  throwing  down  before  one  division  of  the  Spanish 
army  some  of  the  heads  of  the  prisoners  they  had 
taken  from  another  division,  and  shouting  that  these 
were  the  heads  of  the  principal  commanders  —  was 
pursued  with  great  success.  They  were  thus  enabled 
to  discourage  Sandoval,  and  to  cause  him  to  retreat 
with  loss  toward  his  quarters.  They  even  tried  with 
success  the  same  stratagem  upon  Cortes,  throwing 
before  his  camp,  to  which  he  had  at  last  retreated, 
certain  bleeding  heads,  which  they  said,  were  those 
of  'Tonatiuh'  (Alvarado),  Sandoval,  and  the  other 
teules.  Then  it  was  that  Cortes  felt  more  dismay 
than  ever,  *  though/  says  the  honest  chronicler,  who 
did  not  like  the  man,  no  matter  how  much  he  admired 
the  soldier,  'not  in  such  a  manner  that  those  who  were 
with  him  should  perceive  in  it  much  weakness.' 

"After  Sandoval  had  made  good  his  retreat,  he  set 
off,  accompanied  by  a  few  horsemen,  for  the  camp  of 
Cortes,  and  had  an  interview  with  him,  of  which  the 
following  account  is  given:  'O  Serior  Captain!  what 
is  this?'  exclaimed  Sandoval;  'are  these  the  great 
counsels,  and  artifices  of  war  which  you  have  always 
been  wont  to  show  us  ?  How  has  this  disaster  hap- 
pened V  Cortes  replied,  'O  Don  Sandoval!  my  sins 
have  permitted  this;  but  I  am  not  so  culpable  in  the 
business  as  they  may  make  out,  for  it  is  the  fault  of  the 
Treasurer,  Juan  de  Alderete,  whom  I  charged  to  fill 
up  that  difficult  pass  where  they  routed  us;  but  he 
did  not  do  so,  for  he  is  not  accustomed  to  wars,  nor  to 
be  commanded  by  superior  officers.'  At  this  point 
of  the  conference,  the  Treasurer  himself,  who  had 
approached  the  captains  in  order  to  learn  Sandoval's 
news,  exclaimed  that  it  was  Cortes  himself  who  was 
to  blame;  that  he  had  encouraged  his  men  to  go  for- 


212  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

ward;  that  he  had  not  charged  them  to  fill  up  the 
bridges  and  bad  passes  —  if  he  had  done  so,  he  (the 
Treasurer)  and  his  company  would  have  done  it; 
and,  moreover,  that  Cortes  had  not  cleared  the  cause- 
way in  time  of  his  Indian  allies.  Thus  they  argued  and 
disputed  with  one  another;  for  hardly  any  one  is 
generous,  in  defeat,  to  those  with  whom  he  has  acted. 
Indeed,  a  generosity  of  this  kind,  which  will  not  allow 
a  man  to  comment  severely  upon  the  errors  of  his 
comrades  in  misfortune,  is  so  rare  a  virtue,  that  it 
scarcely  seems  to  belong  to  this  planet. 

"There  was  little  time,  however,  for  altercation, 
and  Cortes  was  not  the  man  to  indulge  in  more  of 
that  luxury  for  the  unfortunate  than  human  nature 
demanded.  He  had  received  no  tidings  of  what  had 
befallen  the  Camp  of  Tlacuba,  and  thither  he 
despatched  Sandoval,  embracing  him  and  saying, 
•  Look  you,  since  you  see  that  I  cannot  go  to  all  parts, 
I  commend  these  labors  to  you,  for,  as  you  perceive, 
I  am  wounded  and  lame.  I  implore  you,  take  charge 
of  these  three  camps.  I  well  know  that  Pedro  de 
Alvarado  and  his  soldiers  will  have  behaved  them- 
selves as  cavaliers,  but  I  fear  lest  the  great  force  of 
those  dogs  should  have  routed  them.' 

"The  scene  now  changes  to  the  ground  near  Alva- 
rado's  camp.  Sandoval  succeeded  in  making  his  way 
there,  and  arrived  about  the  hour  of  Vespers.  He 
found  the  men  of  that  division  in  the  act  of  repelling 
a  most  vigorous  attack  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans, 
who  had  hoped  that  night  to  penetrate  into  the  camp 
and  carry  off  all  the  Spaniards  for  sacrifice.  The 
enemy  were  better  armed  than  usual,  some  of  them 
using  the  weapons  which  they  had  taken  from  the 
soldiers  of  Cortez.     At  last,  after  a  severe  conflict, 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  213 

in  which  Sandoval  himself  was  wounded,  and  in  which 
the  cannon  shots  did  not  suffice  to  break  the  serried 
ranks  of  the  Mexicans,  the  Spaniards  gained  their 
quarters,  and,  being  under  shelter,  had  some  respite 
from  the  fury  of  the  Mexican  attack. 

"There,  Sandoval,  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  and  the 
other  principal  captains,  were  standing  together  and 
relating  what  had  occurred  to  each  of  them,  when, 
suddenly,  the  sound  of  the  sacrifical  drum  was  heard 
again,  accompanied  by  other  musical  instruments 
of  a  similar  dolorous  character.  From  the  Camp  of 
Tlacuba  the  great  Temple  was  perfectly  visible,  and 
the  Spaniards  looked  up  at  it  for  the  interpretation 
of  these  melancholy  tones;  they  saw  their  companions 
driven  by  blows  and  buffetings  up  to  the  place  of 
sacrifice.  The  white-skinned  Christians  were  easily 
to  be  distinguished  amidst  the  dusky  groups  that 
surrounded  them.  When  the  unhappy  men  about 
to  be  sacrificed  had  reached  the  lofty  level  space  on 
which  these  abominations  were  wont  to  be  committed, 
it  was  discerned  by  their  friends  and  late  companions 
that  plumes  of  feathers  were  put  upon  the  heads  of 
many  of  them,  and  that  men,  whose  movements  in 
the  distance  appeared  like  those  of  winnowers,  made 
the  captive  dance  before  the  image  of  Huitzilopochtli. 
When  the  dance  was  concluded,  the  victims  were 
placed  upon  the  sacrifical  stones;  their  hearts  were 
taken  out  and  offered  to  the  idols;  and  their  bodies 
hurled  down  the  steps  of  the  temple.  At  the  bottom 
of  the  steps  stood  *  other  butchers'  who  cut  off  the 
arms  and  legs  of  the  victims,  intending  to  eat  these 
portions  of  their  enemy.  The  skin  of  the  face  with  the 
beard  was  preserved.  The  rest  of  the  body  was  thrown 
to  the  lions,  tigers,  and  serpents.     'Let  the  curious 


214  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

reader  consider,'  says  the  chronicler,  'what  pity  we 
must  have  had  for  these,  our  companions,  and  how 
we  said  to  one  another.  'Oh,  thanks  be  to  God,  that 
they  did  not  carry  me  off  to-day  to  sacrifice  me.'  And 
certainly  no  army  ever  looked  on  a  more  deplorable 
sight. 

"There  was  no  time,  however,  for  such  contem- 
plation: for,  at  that  instant,  numerous  bands  of  war- 
riors attacked  the  Spaniards  on  all  sides,  and  fully 
occupied  their  attention  in  the  preservation  of  their 
own  lives. 

"  Modern  warfare  has  lost  one  great  element  of  the 
picturesque  in  narrative,  namely,  in  there  being  no 
interchange,  now,  of  verbal  threats  and  menaces 
between  the  contending  parties;  but  in  those  days  it 
was  otherwise,  and  the  Mexicans  were  able  to  indulge 
in  the  most  fierce  and  malignant  language.  'Look/ 
they  said,  'that  is  the  way  in  which  all  of  you  have  to 
die,  for  our  Gods  have  promised  this  to  us  many  times.' 
To  the  Tlascalans  their  language  was  more  insulting 
and  much  more  minutely  descriptive.  Throwing  to 
them  the  roasted  flesh  of  their  companions  and  of  the 
Spanish  soldiers,  they  shouted,  'Eat  of  the  flesh  of  these 
teule's,  and  of  your  brethren,  for  we  are  quite  satiated 
with  it;  and,  look  you,  for  the  houses  you  have  pulled 
down,  we  shall  have  to  make  you  build  in  their  place 
much  better  ones  with  stone  and  plates  of  metal,  like- 
wise with  hewn  stone  and  lime;  and  the  houses  will  be 
painted.  Wherefore  continue  to  assist  these  teules 
all  of  whom  you  will  see  sacrificed.' 

"The  Mexicans,  however,  did  not  succeed  in  carry- 
ing off  any  more  Spaniards  for  sacrifice  that  night. 
The  Spanish  camp  had  some  few  hours  of  repose,  and 
some  time  to  reckon  up  their  losses,  which  were  very 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  215 

considerable.  They  lost  upward  of  sixty  of  their  own 
men,  six  horses,  two  cannon,  and  a  great  number  of 
their  Indian  allies.  Moreover  the  brigantines  had 
not  fared  much  better  on  this  disastrous  day  than  the 
land  forces.  But  the  indirect  consequences  of  this 
defeat  were  still  more  injurious  than  the  actual  losses. 
The  allies  from  the  neighboring  cities  on  the  lake 
deserted  the  Spaniards,  nearly  to  a  man.  The  Mexi- 
cans regained  and  strengthened  most  of  their  positions; 
and  the  greatest  part  of  the  work  of  the  besiegers 
seemed  as  if  it  would  have  to  be  done  over  again. 
Even  the  Tlascalans,  hitherto  so  faithful,  despaired 
of  the  fortunes  of  their  allies,  and  could  not  but  believe, 
with  renewed  terror,  in  the  potency  of  the  Mexican 
deities,  kindred  to,  if  not  identical  with,  their  own." 

XIV.     The  Last  Mexican 

The  courage  of  the  Aztecs  was  beyond  all  question. 
Their  heroism  awakens  a  thrill  of  admiration,  although 
we  are  fully  aware  of  their  fearful  and  ferocious  and 
degrading  religious  rites.  Again  and  again  the  heart- 
sick Spaniards  saw  lifted  up  before  the  hideous  gods 
on  the  temple  pyramids,  the  white,  naked  bodies  of 
their  unfortunate  comrades  who  had  been  captured 
for  that  awful  sacrifice.  Both  parties  were  wrought 
up  to  a  pitch  of  furious  rage. 

No  valor,  no  heroism,  no  courage,  no  devotion 
could  prevail  against  thirst,  hunger,  smallpox,  pesti- 
lence, the  fever  of  besieged  towns,  with  the  streets 
filled  with  unburied  dead.  On  August  13,  1521,  the 
city  fell.  There  was  no  formal  surrender,  the  last 
defender  had  been  killed.  The  old,  weak  and  feeble 
were  left.     Only  a  small  portion  of  the  city,  the  cheap- 


216  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

est  and  poorest  part,  was  left  standing.  Into  this 
ghastly  street  rode  the  Spaniards. 

Where  was  Guatemoc  ?  A  wretched,  haggard, 
worn,  starved  figure,  having  done  all  that  humanity 
could  do,  and  apparently  more,  in  the  defence  of  his 
land,  he  had  striven  to  escape  in  a  canoe  on  the  lake. 
One  of  the  brigantines  overhauled  him.  The  com- 
mander was  about  to  make  way  with  the  little  party 
when  some  one  informed  him  that  the  principal  captive 
was  no  less  than  Guatemotzin.  The  unfortunate 
young  emperor,  after  vainly  trying  to  persuade  Garcia 
Holguin  to  kill  him  then  and  there,  demanded  to  be 
led  to  Cortes.  He  found  that  great  captain  on  one 
of  the  house-tops,  watching  the  slaughter  of  the  men 
and  women  and  children  by  the  furious  Tlascalans 
who  were  at  last  feeding  fat  their  revenge  by  indis- 
criminate massacre. 

"Deal  with  me  as  you  please/'  said  the  broken- 
hearted Mexican,  as  he  touched  the  dagger  which 
hung  by  Cortes's  side.     "  Kill  me  at  once,"  he  implored. 

He  had  no  wish  to  survive  the  downfall  of  his  empire, 
the  devastation  of  his  city,  and  the  annihilation  of  his 
people.  Cortes  spared  his  life  and  at  first  treated  him 
generously.  He  afterward  marred  his  reputation  by 
yielding  him  and  the  Cacique  of  Tlacuba  to  torture 
at  the  urgent  and  insistent  demand  of  the  soldiery. 
There  was  no  treasure  found  in  the  city.  It  had  been 
spirited  away  or  else  buried  forever  beneath  the  ruins 
of  the  town.*  The  soldiers,  their  greed  for  treasure 
excited,  insisted  upon  the  torture  of  the  noble  Guatemoc 
and  his  comrade.  The  Cacique  of  Tlacuba,  unable 
through  weakness  to  sustain  the  torture,  which  con- 
sisted of  burning  the  soles  of  their  feet  with  boiling 

*  I  wonder  where  it  is!    There  may  be  a  great  amount  of  it  somewhere. 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  217 

oil,  broke  into  lamenting  reproaches,  some  of  them 
addressed  to  the  emperor. 

"And  am  I  taking  pleasure  in  my  bath,  do  you 
think?"  proudly  replied  the  young  chief,  while  the 
soles  of  his  feet  were  being  immersed  in  the  same  dread- 
ful cauldron. 

He  was  lame  and  more  or  less  helpless  for  the  rest 
of  his  life.  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  often  wished  that 
he  had  been  cut  down  in  the  final  moment  of  his 
defeat.  He  dragged  on  a  miserable  existence  until 
Cortes  put  him  to  death  by  hanging  several  years 
after  the  conquest  while  in  Honduras  on  an  expedition. 
The  charge  against  him,  so  Cortes  writes  to  Charles  V., 
was  conspiracy.  The  evidence  was  flimsy  enough, 
yet  it  is  probable  that  Cortes  believed  it.  The  expe- 
dition was  far  from  Mexico,  surrounded  by  hostile 
nations,  and  Cortes,  as  usual,  was  in  great  danger. 
Helps  thus  describes  the  bitter  end  of  the  noble  young 
emperor: 

"When  led  to  execution,  the  King  of  Mexico 
exclaimed,  'O  Malinche,  I  have  long  known  the  false- 
ness of  your  words,  and  have  foreseen  that  you  would 
give  me  that  death  which,  alas!  I  did  not  give  myself, 
when  I  surrendered  to  you  in  my  city  of  Mexico. 
Wherefore  do  you  slay  me  without  justice  ?  May 
God  demand  it  of you! ' 

"The  King  of  the  Tlacuba  said  that  he  looked  upon 
his  death  as  welcome,  since  he  was  able  to  die  with 
his  Lord,  the  King  of  Mexico.  After  confession  and 
absolution,  the  two  kings  were  hanged  upon  a  ceyba 
tree  in  Izzancanac,  in  the  province  of  Acalan,  on  one 
of  the  carnival  days  before  Shrovetide,  in  the  year 
1525.  Thus  ended  the  great  Mexican  dynasty  —  itself 
a  thing  compacted  by  so  much  blood  and  toil  and 


218  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

suffering  of  countless  human  beings.  The  days  of 
deposed  monarchs  —  victims  alike  to  the  zeal  of  their 
friends  and  the  suspicions  of  their  captors  —  are 
mostly  very  brief;  and  perhaps  it  is  surprising  that 
the  King  of  Mexico  should  have  survived  as  long  as 
four  years  the  conquest  of  his  capital,  and  have  been 
treated  during  the  greater  part  of  that  time  with  favor 
and  honor. 

"Some  writers  have  supposed  that  Cortes  was  weary 
of  his  captives,  and  wished  to  destroy  them,  and  that 
the  charge  of  conspiracy  was  fictitious.  Such  assertions 
betray  a  total  ignorance  of  the  character  of  this  great 
Spaniard.  Astute  men  seldom  condescend  to  lying. 
Now,  Cortes  was  not  only  very  astute,  but,  according 
to  his  notions,  highly  honorable.  A  genuine  hidalgo, 
and  a  thoroughly  loyal  man,  he  would  as  soon  have 
thought  of  committing  a  small  theft  as  of  uttering  a 
falsehood  in  a  despatch  addressed  to  his  sovereign." 

XV.    The  End  of  Cortes 

Cortes  received  a  full  reward  for  his  conquest,  at 
least  for  a  time.  He  was  received  in  high  favor  by 
Charles  V.,  whom  he  visited  in  Spain,  and  who  made 
him  Marques  of  the  Valley  of  Mexico. 

"There  is  on  record  a  single  sentence  of  the  Empe- 
ror's that  must  have  been  addressed  to  Cortes  in  some 
private  interview,  which  shows  the  gracious  esteem 
in  which  he  was  held  by  his  sovereign.  Borrowing 
a  metaphor  from  the  archery-ground,  and  gracefully, 
as  it  seems,  alluding  to  a  former  misappreciation  of 
the  services  of  Cortes,  the  Emperor  said  that  he  wished 
to  deal  with  him  as  those  who  contend  with  the  cross- 
bow, whose  first  shots  go  wide  of  the  mark,  and  then 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  2 


19 


they  improve  and  improve,  until  they  hit  the  centre 
of  the  white.  So,  continued  His  Majesty,  he  wished 
to  go  on  until  he  had  shot  into  the  white  of  what  should 
be  done  to  reward  the  Marquis'  deserts;  and  mean- 
while nothing  was  to  be  taken  from  him  which  he 
then  held. 

"It  was  very  pleasing  to  find  that  Cortes  did  not 
forget  his  old  friends  the  Tlascalans,  but  dwelt  on  their 
services,  and  procured  from  the  Emperor  an  order 
that  they  should  not  be  given  encomienda  to  His 
Majesty,  or  to  any  other  person. " 

The  only  reward  the  Tlascalans  got  from  the  Emperor 
was  that,  when  the  other  Mexicans  were  made  slaves, 
they  were  left  at  least  nominally  free,  but  their  republic 
soon  fell  into  decay  and  the  city  in  which  they  had  so 
proudly  maintained  themselves  in  their  independence, 
became  a  desolate  ruin.  A  dirty  and  squalid  village 
to-day  marks  the  place. 

Marina,  who  had  served  the  Spaniards  for  the  love 
of  the  great  captain  with  such  fidelity  and  such  success, 
was  cast  off  by  Cortes  and  compelled  to  marry  one 
of  his  officers,  whom  she  scarcely  knew.  This  crushed 
her  spirit.  She  abandoned  her  husband  and  sank 
into  wretched  and  miserable  obscurity,  and  died  at 
an  early  age  of  a  broken  heart. 

Cortes  conducted  other  expeditions,  most  of  them 
without  any  great  success,  as  that  to  Honduras,  where 
he  hanged  the  last  of  the  Aztec  Kings.  Jealousy  arose 
in  the  great  state  which  he  had  founded,  and  he  fell 
out  of  favor  with  the  Emperor,  who  refused  to  see 
him,  and  he  was  received  with  cold  and  bitter 
reproaches  by  his  wife,  whom  he  married  after  the 
death  of  his  former  wife,  and  who  had  never  proved 
a  comfort   to   him.     An    admirable    marriage   which 


220  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

he  had  arranged  for  his  daughter  with  one  of  the 
highest  nobility  of  Spain  failed,  his  last  days  were 
sad  and  miserable,  and  he  died  old,  lonely  and  broken- 
hearted. I  again  quote  Helps  concerning  these  closing 
scenes: 

"The  poets  say,  'Care  sits  behind  a  man  and  fol- 
lows him  wherever  he  goes.'  So  does  ill-success; 
and  henceforward  the  life  of  Cortes  was  almost  invari- 
ably unsuccessful.  There  is  an  anecdote  told  of  him 
(resting  upon  no  higher  authority  than  that  of  Voltaire) 
which,  although  evidently  untrue,  tells  in  a  mythical 
way  the  reception  which  Cortes  met  at  the  Spanish 
Court;     and   his   feelings   as   regards   that   reception. 

"One  day  he  broke  through  the  crowd  which  sur- 
rounded the  carriage  of  the  Emperor  and  jumped 
on  the  step. 

"'Who  are  you?'  asked  the  Emperor  in  astonish- 
ment. 

"'I  am  the  man,'  replied  Cortes  fiercely,  'who  has 
given  you  more  provinces  than  your  ancestors  have 
left  you  cities/ 

"Quitting  fiction,  however,  and  returning  to  fact, 
there  is  a  letter  extant  addressed  by  Cortes  to  the 
Emperor,  Charles  V.,  which  conveys  more  forcibly 
than  even  a  large  extent  of  narrative  could  do,  the 
troubles,  vexations,  and  disappointments  which  Cortes 
had  to  endure  at  this  latter  period  of  his  life,  and  his 
feelings  with  regard  to  them.  It  is  one  of  the  most 
touching  letters  ever  written  by  a  subject  to  a  sovereign. 
I  will  here  translate  some  of  it,  greatly  condensing 
those  parts  of  the  letter  which  relate  to  the  business 
in  hand,  and  which  would  be  as  wearisome  to  the 
reader  to  read,  as  they  were  to  the  writer  to  write; 
for  doubtless,  it  was  not  the  first  time,  by  many  times, 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  221 

that  Cortes  had  set  down  the  same  grievance  in  writing. 
The  letter  bears  date,  Valladolid,  the  3rd  of  Feb- 
ruary,   1544.     It   begins   thus:  — 

" 'Sacred  Cesarian  Catholic  Majesty:  —  I  thought 
that  having  labored  in  my  youth,  it  would  so  profit 
me  that  in  my  old  age  I  might  have  ease  and  rest; 
and  now  it  is  forty  years  that  I  have  been  occupied 
in  not  sleeping,  in  eating  ill,  and  sometimes  eating 
neither  well  nor  ill,  in  bearing  armor,  in  placing  my 
person  in  danger,  in  spending  my  estates  and  my  life, 
all  in  the  service  of  God,  bringing  sheep  into  his  sheep- 
fold  —  which  were  very  remote  from  our  hemisphere, 
unknown,  and  whose  names  are  not  written  in  our 
writings  —  also  increasing  and  making  broad  the  name 
and  patrimony  of  my  King  —  gaining  for  him,  and 
bringing  under  his  yoke  and  Royal  sceptre,  many 
and  very  great  kingdoms  and  many  barbarous  nations, 
all  won  by  my  own  person,  and  at  my  own  expense; 
without  being  assisted  in  anything,  on  the  contrary, 
being  much  hindered  by  many  jealous  and  evil  and 
envious  persons  who,  like  leeches,  have  been  filled  to 
bursting  with  my  blood.' 

"He  then  proceeds  to  say  that  for  the  part  which 
God  has  had  in  his  labors  and  watchings  he  is  suf- 
ficiently paid,  because  it  was  His  work;  and  it  was 
not  without  a  reason  that  Providence  was  pleased 
that  so  great  a  work  should  be  accomplished  by  so 
weak  a  medium,  in  order  that  it  might  be  seen  that 
to  God  alone  the  good  work  must  be  attributed. 

"Cortes  then  says  that  for  what  he  has  done  for  the 
King,  he  has  always  been  satisfied  with  the  remunera- 
tion he  has  received.  The  King  has  been  grateful 
to  him,  has  honored  him,  and  has  rewarded  him, 
and  he  adds  that  His  Majesty  knows  that  the  rewards 


222  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

and  honors  which  the  Emperor  offered  were,  in  the 
opinion  of  Cortes,  so  far  greater  than  his  merits,  that 
he  refused  to  receive  them. 

"What,  however,  His  Majesty  did  mean  him  to 
receive,  he  has  not  received.  That  which  His  Majesty 
has  given  has  been  so  completely  without  fruit,  that 
it  would  have  been  better  for  Cortes  not  to  have  had 
it,  but  that  he  should  have  taken  care  of  his  own 
estate,  and  not  spent  the  fruit  of  that  in  defending 
himself  against  'the  Fiscal  of  Your  Majesty,  which 
defence  has  been,  and  is,  a  more  difficult  undertaking 
than  to  win  the  land  of  the  enemy/ 

"He  then  implores  His  Majesty  that  he  will  be 
pleased  to  render  clear  the  good  will  which  he  had 
shown  to  reward  him.  'I  see  myself,'  he  exclaims, 
'old,  poor  and  indebted.  Not  only  have  I  no  repose 
in  my  old  age,  but  I  can  foresee  labor  and  trouble 
until  my  death.'  And  he  adds,  'Please  God  that  the 
mischief  may  not  go  beyond  death;  but  may  finish 
with  the  body,  and  not  exist  forever,  since  whosoever 
has  such  toil  in  defending  his  bodily  estate,  cannot 
avoid  injuring  his  soul.' 

"All  that  he  asks  is  that  his  appeal  may  be  heard; 
that  members  of  the  King's  Council  be  added  to  the 
Council  of  the  Indies;  and  that  the  cause  may  be 
determined,  and  judgment  given,  without  further 
delay.  '  For,  otherwise,  I  must  leave  it  and  loose  it, 
and  must  return  to  my  home,  as  I  am  no  longer  of 
the  age  to  go  about  to  hostelries;  and  should  withdraw 
myself  to  make  my  account  clear  with  God,  since 
it  is  a  large  one  that  I  have,  and  little  life  is  left  to  me 
to  discharge  my  conscience;  and  it  will  be  better  for 
me  to  lose  my  estate  than  my  soul.'  He  concludes 
by  saying  that  'he  is  of  Your  Catholic  Majesty  the 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  223 

very  humble  servant  and  vassal,  who  kisses  your  very 
royal  feet  and  hands  —  the  Marquis  del  Valle.' 

"In  addition  to  these  vexations  he  had  a  domestic 
trouble  which  doubtless  caused  him  much  mortification. 
His  daughter,  Donna  Maria,  was  engaged  to  one  of 
the  greatest  nobles  in  Spain;  but  ultimately  the  young 
man  refused  to  fulfil  the  engagement.  Some  say 
that  this  caused  the  death  of  Cortes.  But  this  is  not 
so.  He  was  broken,  alike  in  health  and  in  spirits, 
by  reason  of  the  many  reverses  he  had  met  with  in  these 
his  latter  days. 

"We  live,  to  a  great  measure,  upon  success;  and 
there  is  no  knowing  the  agony  that  an  unvarying  course 
of  ill-success  causes  to  a  sanguine  and  powerful  mind 
which  feels  that,  if  only  such  and  such  small  obstacles 
were  removed  out  of  its  way,  it  could  again  shine  forth 
with  all  its  pristine  force  and  brightness. 

"To  meet  this  rejected  daughter,  who  was  coming 
from  New  Spain,  Cortes  went  to  Seville.  There  he 
was  taken  ill,  and,  being  molested  by  the  importunity 
of  many  persons  who  came  to  see  him  on  business, 
he  retired  to  a  small  village,  about  half  a  league  from 
Seville,  called  Castillaje  de  la  Cuesta.  He  also  sought 
retirement  for  the  purpose,  as  Bernal  Diaz  says,  of 
making  his  will  and  preparing  his  soul  for  death. 
'And  when  he  had  settled  his  worldly  affairs,  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  pleased  to  take  him  from  his 
troublesome  world.'  He  died  on  the  2nd  of  December, 
1547,  being  then  sixty-two  years  of  age." 

His  bones  were  interred  in  Mexico.  During  the 
civil  wars  of  the  last  century,  his  bones  were  taken 
away  and  hidden.  It  is  reported  that  only  the  other 
day  the  place  of  his  sepulchre  had  been  discovered. 
Some  monument  to  his  memory  should  be  erected  to 


224  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

match  the  statue  of  Guatemoc,  which  is  one  of  the 
principal  adornments  of  Mexico. 

As  is  well  said  by  William  H.  Johnson:  "To  the 
honor  of  Spain  be  it  said,  her  rule  in  Mexico  was 
firm  and  kind.  The  Indians  became  thoroughly 
incorporated  into  the  national  life,  enjoying  the  oppor- 
tunities of  advancement  as  Spaniards.  In  the  present 
Republic  of  Mexico  the  greatest  name  has  been  that 
of  Benito  Juarez,  the  president  who  upheld  the  national 
cause  during  the  French-Austrian  usurpation.  He 
was  of  pure  Aztec  blood.  Porfirio  Diaz,  the  gallant 
soldier  who  led  the  army  of  the  Republic  during  the 
same  trying  period,  and  who,  as  its  president,  is  a 
model  of  a  strong  and  wise  ruler,  is  also,  in  part,  a 
descendant  of  the  ancient  race." 

With  the  following  tributes  to  the  great  captain 
the  story  of  his  amazing  adventures  is  ended.  Says 
Helps: 

"  He  was  the  mighty  conqueror  of  one  of  the  most 
compact  and  well-ordered  barbaric  nations  of  the  world 
—  a  conqueror  who,  with  a  few  hundreds  of  his  fellow- 
countrymen,  not  all  of  them  his  partisans,  overcame 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  fanatic  and  resolute  men 
fighting  against  him  with  immense  resources,  and 
with  a  resolution  nearly  equal  to  his  own.  Let  us  give 
him  the  benefit  of  his  sincere  belief  in  Christianity, 
and  his  determination  to  substitute  that  beneficent 
religion  for  the  hideous  and  cruel  superstition  of 
the  people  he  was  resolved  to  conquer.  And  let  us 
echo  the  wish  of  that  good  common  soldier,  Bernal 
Diaz,  who,  though  having  his  grievances  against  Cortes, 
as  all  of  the  other  Conquistador -es  thought  they  had, 
could  yet,  after  watching  every  turn  in  the  fortunes 
of  the  great  Marquis,  and  knowing  almost  every  sin 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  225 

that  he  had  committed,  write  most  tenderly  of  the 
great  captain  whose  plume  he  had  so  often  followed 
to  victory. 

"After  saying  that,  subsequently  to  the  conquest 
of  Mexico,  Cortes  had  not  had  good  fortune  either 
in  his  Californian  or  his  Honduras  expedition,  or 
indeed  in  anything  else  he  had  undertaken,  Bernal 
Diaz  adds,  '  Perhaps  it  was  that  he  might  have  felicity 
in  heaven.  And  I  believe  it  was  so,  for  he  was  an 
honorable  cavalier,  and  a  devoted  worshipper  of  the 
Virgin,  the  Apostle  St.  Peter  and  other  Saints.  May 
God  pardon  his  sins,  and  mine  too,  and  give  me  a 
righteous  ending,  which  things  are  of  more  concern 
than  the  conquests  and  victories  that  we  had  over  the 
Indians/" 

Writes  MacNutt: 

"His  sagacity,  his  foresight,  and  his  moderation 
have  caused  critical  historians  to  rank  him  higher  as 
a  statesman  than  as  a  soldier.  In  virtue  of  his  pre- 
eminent qualities  both  as  a  statesman  and  as  a  general, 
as  well  as  because  of  the  enduring  importance  of  his 
conquest,  Fernando  Cortes  occupies  an  uncontested 
place  amongst  the  heroes  of  the  nations." 

However  we  may  sympathize  with  the  Aztecs,  we 
cannot  escape  from  the  fact  that  it  was  much  better 
that  there  should  be  a  Spanish  rule  instead  of  an 
Aztec  rule  in  Mexico,  and  that  the  civilization  of  the 
former  should  supplant  the  so-called  civilization  of 
the  latter.  That  does  not  prevent  us  from  wishing 
that  the  supersession  might  not  have  been  so  harsh 
and  ruthless,  but  in  view  of  the  times,  and  the  men, 
both  Aztecs  and  Christians,  it  was  not  to  be  expected. 

Personally,  I  love  the  memory  of  Guatemoc  for  his 
heroism  and  his  devotion.     I  also  have  a  warm  feeling 


226  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

for  Cortes.  It  is  true,  as  has  been  stated,  that  he  was 
a  child  of  his  age,  but  he  was  the  best  child  of  his  age, 
and  it  was  not  his  fault  altogether  that  in  some  respects 
it  was  the  worst  age.  The  Spanish  rule  in  Mexico 
was  better  than  the  Spanish  rule  in  Peru,  and  Cortes 
and  his  successors,  by  the  side  of  Pizarro  and  his  suc- 
cessors, were  almost  angels  of  light. 

I  close  with  these  noble  words  of  John  Fiske  in  his 
great  and  highly  valued  Discovery  of  North  America: 

"A  great  deal  of  sentimental  ink  has  been  shed  over 
the  wickedness  of  the  Spaniards  in  crossing  the  ocean 
and  attacking  people  who  had  never  done  them  any 
harm,  overturning  and  obliterating  a  'splendid  civil- 
ization/ and  more  to  the  same  effect.  It  is  undeniable 
that  unprovoked  aggression  is  an  extremely  hateful 
thing,  and  many  of  the  circumstances  attendant  upon 
the  Spanish  conquest  in  America  were  not  only  heinous 
in  their  atrocity,  but  were  emphatically  condemned, 
as  we  shall  presently  see,  by  the  best  moral  standards 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  Yet  if  we  are  to  be  guided 
by  strict  logic,  it  would  be  difficult  to  condemn  the 
Spaniards  for  the  mere  act  of  conquering  Mexico 
without  involving  in  the  same  condemnation  our  own 
forefathers  who  crossed  the  ocean  and  overran  the  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States  with  small  regard  for  the  pro- 
prietary rights  of  Algonquins,  or  Iroquois,  or  red  men 
of  any  sort.  Our  forefathers,  if  called  upon  to  justify 
themselves,  would  have  replied  that  they  were  founding 
Christian  states  and  diffusing  the  blessings  of  a  higher 
civilization;  and  such,  in  spite  of  much  alloy  in  the 
motives  and  imperfection  in  the  performance,  was 
certainly  the  case.  Now  if  we  would  not  lose  or 
distort  the  historical  perspective,  we  must  bear  in 
mind  that  the  Spanish  conquerors  would  have  returned 


The  Greatest  Adventure  in  History  227 

exactly  the  same  answer.  If  Cortes  were  to  return 
to  the  world  and  pick  up  some  history  book  in  which 
he  is  described  as  a  mere  picturesque  adventurer,  he 
would  feel  himself  very  unjustly  treated.  He  would 
say  that  he  had  higher  aims  than  those  of  a  mere  fighter 
and  gold-hunter;  and  so  doubtless  he  had.  In  the 
complex  tangle  of  motives  that  actuated  the  mediaeval 
Spaniard  —  and  in  his  peninsula  we  may  apply  the 
term  mediaeval  to  later  dates  than  would  be  proper 
in  France  or  Italy  —  the  desire  of  extending  the  domin- 
ion of  the  Church  was  a  very  real  and  powerful  incentive 
to  action.  The  strength  of  the  missionary  and  crusad- 
ing spirit  in  Cortes  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  where  it  was 
concerned,  and  there  only,  was  he  liable  to  let  zeal 
overcome  prudence. 

"There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  after  making  all  allow- 
ances, the  Spaniards  did  introduce  a  better  state  of 
society  into  Mexico  than  they  found  there.  It  was 
high  time  that  an  end  should  be  put  to  those  hecatombs 
of  human  victims,  slashed,  torn  open  and  devoured 
on  all  the  little  occasions  of  life.  It  sounds  quite 
pithy  to  say  that  the  Inquisition,  as  conducted  in 
Mexico,  was  as  great  an  evil  as  the  human  sacrifices 
and  the  cannibalism;  but  it  is  not  true.  Compared 
with  the  ferocious  barbarism  of  ancient  Mexico,  the 
contemporary  Spanish  modes  of  life  were  mild,  and 
this,  I  think,  helps  further  to  explain  the  ease  with 
which  the  country  was  conquered.  In  a  certain  sense 
the  prophecy  of  Quetzalcoatl  was  fulfilled  and  the 
coming  of  the  Spaniards  did  mean  the  final  dethrone- 
ment of  the  ravening  Tezcatlipoca.  The  work  of  the 
noble  Franciscan  and  Dominican  monks  who  followed 
closely  upon  Cortes,  and  devoted  their  lives  to  the 
spiritual  welfare  of  the  Mexicans,  is  a  more  attractive 


228  South  American  Fights  and  Fighters 

subject  than  any  picture  of  military  conquest.  To 
this  point  I  shall  return  hereafter,  when  we  come  to 
consider  the  sublime  character  of  Las  Casas.  For 
the  present  we  may  conclude  in  the  spirit  of  one  of 
the  noble  Spanish  historians,  Pedro  de  Cieza  de  Leon, 
and  praise  God,  that  the  idols  are  cast  down." 


Part  II 
OTHER  TALES  OF  ADVENTURE 

I 
The  Yarn  of  the  Essex,  Whaler 


The  Yarn  of  the  Essex,  Whaler 

^MONG    marine    disasters    there   is    none    more 

U\  extraordinary  in  character  or  more  appalling 
1  a  in  consequence,  than  the  loss  of  the  whale- 
ship  Essex. 

The  Essex  was  a  well-found  whaler  of  two  hundred 
and  thirty-eight  tons.  James  Pollard  was  her  captain, 
with  Owen  Chase  and  Matthew  Joy  as  mates.  Six 
of  her  complement  of  twenty  were  Negroes.  Thor- 
oughly overhauled  and  provisioned  for  two  and  one- 
half  years,  on  the  17th  of  August,  18 19,  she  took  her 
departure  from  Nantucket.  On  the  17th  of  January, 
1820,  she  reached  St.  Mary's  Island,  off  the  coast  of 
Chili,  near  Conception,  a  noted  whaling  ground. 

They  cruised  off  these  coasts  for  some  time,  being 
lucky  enough  to  take  several  large  whales,  and  finally, 
the  season  being  over,  having  about  one  thousand 
barrels  of  oil  in  the  hold,  they  struck  boldly  westward. 
On  the  1 6th  of  November,  being  a  few  minutes  south 
of  the  line  in  Long.  118  degrees  W.,  a  school  of  sperm 
whales  was  sighted,  and  three  boats  were  lowered  in 
chase. 

Chase,  the  mate  —  the  first  mate  is  always  the  mate 
par  excellence  —  soon  got  fast  to  a  huge  bull-whale 
who,  when  he  felt  the  deadly  harpoon  in  his  vitals, 
swiftly  turned  and  struck  the  whale-boat  a  terrific 
blow  with  his  tail,  smashing  it  into  kindling  wood  and 
hurling  the  men  in  every  direction.     After  that  splen- 

231 


232         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

did  exhibition  of  power,  he  got  away  scot-free  save  for 
the  rankling  iron  and  the  dangling  line  which  he  took 
with  him.  The  boat's  crew  were  picked  up,  no  one 
being  much  the  worse  for  the  encounter,  strange  to  say, 
and  were  brought  back  to  the  ship  by  the  other  boats. 

On  the  20th  of  November,  being  then  just  about 
40  minutes  south  of  the  equator,  and  in  Long.  119 
degrees  W.,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  look- 
out at  the  masthead  shouted  the  welcome  signal: 
"There  she  blows !" 

It  was  evident  that  they  were  in  the  presence  of  a 
large  school.  The  ship  was  headed  toward  them,  and 
when  within  half  a  mile  the  mainyard  was  backed,  and 
three  boats,  under  the  charge  of  the  captain  and  the 
first  and  second  mates,  respectively,  were  lowered. 
Their  only  other  boat  was  a  spare  one,  lashed  amid- 
ships on  chocks. 

Arriving  at  the  spot  where  they  had  been  sighted 
at  the  ship,  the  men  discovered  that  the  whales  had 
sounded  and  vanished.  The  boats,  thereupon,  sepa- 
rated widely,  and  the  men  lay  on  their  oars  and  waited. 
Presently  a  great  bull  rose  lazily,  spouting  in  front  of  the 
mate's  boat,  and  lay  idly  wallowing  in  the  tumbling 
sea.  Approaching  cautiously,  the  harpooneer  drove 
in  the  terrible  weapon. 

In  his  agony,  the  great  cetacean,  instead  of  sound- 
ing, threw  himself  blindly  toward  the  boat.  So  close 
were  they,  and  so  unexpected  was  the  whale's  movement 
in  spite  of  his  vast  bulk,  that,  although  the  order, 
"Stern  all!"  had  been  promptly  given,  they  were 
unable  to  win  clear  of  him.  The  tip  of  his  massive 
tail,  as  he  thrashed  about  in  his  rage,  struck  the  side 
of  the  light,  clinker-built  boat  and  smashed  a  hole  in  it. 
Then  the  whale  started  to  run,  towing  the  boat,  which 


The  Yarn  of  the  Essex,  Whaler     233 

immediately  began  to  fill  with  water  under  the  terrible 
drag  to  which  it  was  subjected.  There  was  nothing 
to  do  but  cut  the  line.  Two  or  three  jackets  were 
stuffed  into  the  aperture,  and  while  some  bailed,  the 
others  rowed  back  to  the  ship.  The  captain's  and 
second  mate's  boats,  meanwhile,  were  seeking  the 
school,  which  had  risen  and  was  swimming  away  from 
the  ship. 

As  soon  as  the  wrecked  boat  was  run  up  to  the 
davits,  the  mate  swung  the  mainyard  and  got  under 
way,  following  the  other  boats.  He  first  determined 
to  break  out  the  spare  boat,  but  after  investigating 
the  damaged  boat,  he  concluded  that  he  could  save  time 
by  nailing  a  patch  of  canvas  over  the  broken  place, 
which  would  serve  temporarily  to  keep  out  the  water, 
in  case  they  went  in  search  of  another  whale  in  her. 
While  he  was  about  this,  an  immense  sperm-whale, 
about  eighty-five  feet  long,  " breached"  —  that  is, 
coming  from  a  great  depth,  he  shot  out  of  the  water 
his  whole  length  and  then  fell  back  with  a  tremendous 
splash  —  about  fifty  fathoms  from  the  ship.  After 
he  fell  back,  he  spouted  three  or  four  times,  sounded, 
and  once  more  appeared,  this  time  about  a  ship's 
length  off  the  weather  bow  of  the  Essex.  Evidently, 
it  was  the  whale  they  had  just  struck.  He  was  angry, 
and  he  meant  business,  for  as  soon  as  he  came  to  the 
surface  he  started  for  the  ship. 

Under  the  light  air  the  vessel  was  making  about 
three  knots.  The  whale  was  going  at  the  same  speed. 
The  mate  saw  at  once  that  if  he  did  not  change  his 
course,  the  whale  would  strike  his  ship.  Dropping 
the  hammer,  he  shouted  to  the  boy  at  the  helm  to  put 
it  hard  up,  and  himself  sprang  across  the  deck  to 
reinforce  his  order.     The  unwieldy  ship  paid  off  slowly, 


234         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

and  before  her  head  had  been  fairly  turned  to  leeward 
the  whale  deliberately  rammed  her  right  under  the  fore- 
chains. 

The  concussion  was  terrible.  The  ship  came  to  a 
dead  stop,  as  if  she  had  run  upon  a  rock,  while  the 
whale  bumped  along  under  the  keel.  Some  of  those 
aboard  were  thrown  to  the  deck.  The  masts  quivered 
and  buckled  under  the  shock,  but  fortunately  nothing 
was  carried  away.  The  onset  was  so  unexpected  that 
the  men  were  dazed  for  a  moment.  When  the  mate 
recovered  his  wits,  he  immediately  sounded  the  well, 
and  found  that  the  ship  was  leaking  badly.  He  then 
ordered  the  men  to  the  pumps,  and  set  signals  for  the 
recall  of  the  boats,  each  of  which  had  got  fast  to  a 
whale. 

In  spite  of  all  they  could  do,  the  ship  began  settling 
rapidly  by  the  head.  She  was  badly  stove  in,  and 
making  water  fast.  While  some  of  the  men  toiled  at 
the  pumps,  others  cleared  away  the  extra  boat.  There 
was  no  longer  time  to  repair  the  other.  At  this  junc- 
ture one  of  the  men  discovered  the  same  whale 
about  two  hundred  and  fifty  fathoms  to  leeward. 
He  was  in  a  fit  of  convulsive  rage  terrible  to  look  upon; 
leaping,  turning,  writhing,  threshing  about  in  the 
water,  beating  it  with  his  mighty  tail  and  great  flukes, 
thundering  upon  it  with  all  his  force,  and  all  the  while 
opening  and  shutting  his  enormous  jaws,  "smiting 
them  together,"  in  the  words  of  the  mate,  as  if  dis- 
tracted with  wrath  and  fury. 

There  was  no  time  to  watch  the  whale  in  the  exi- 
gency of  their  peril,  and  observing  him  start  out  with 
great  velocity  to  cross  the  bows  of  the  ship  to  leeward, 
the  men  turned  their  attention  to  the  morelserious  duty 
at  the  pumps  and  the  boat.     But  a  few  moments  had 


The  Ship  Came  to  a  Dead  Stop 


The  Killing  of  Alexander  Hamilton  by  Aaron  Burr,  at  Weehawken, 
New  Jersey,  July  II,  1804" 


The  Yarn  of  the  Essex,  Whaler      235 

elapsed,  when  another  man  forward  observed  the 
whale  again. 

"Here  he  is!"  he  shouted.  "He's  making  for  us 
again/' 

The  great  cachalot  was  now  directly  ahead,  about 
two  hundred  fathoms  away,  and  coming  down  upon 
them  with  twice  his  ordinary  speed.  The  surf  flew 
in  all  directions  about  him.  "His  course  was  marked 
by  a  white  foam  a  rod  in  width  which  he  made  with 
the  continual  thrashing  of  this  tail."  His  huge  head, 
boneless  but  almost  as  solid  and  as  hard  as  the  inside 
of  a  horse's  hoof,  most  admirably  designed  for  a  bat- 
tering-ram, was  almost  half  out  of  the  water.  The 
mate  made  one  desperate  attempt  to  get  out  of  his  way. 
Again  the  helm  was  put  up  and  the  men  ran  to  the 
braces,  but  the  water-laden  ship,  already  well  down 
by  the  head,  and  more  sluggish  than  ever,  had  fallen 
off  only  one  point  when  the  whale  leaped  upon  her  with 
demoniac  energy,  and  —  so  it  appeared  to  the  seamen 
—  rammed  her  with  maleficent  passion. 

This  time  he  struck  the  ship  just  under  the  weather 
cathead.  He  was  going  not  less  than  six  knots  an  hour 
to  the  ship's  three,  and  the  force  of  the  blow  com- 
plettely  stove  in  the  bows  of  the  Essex.  Those  on 
board  could  feel  the  huge  bulk  scraping  along  beneath 
the  keel  a  second  time,  and  then,  having  done  all  the 
damage  he  could,  he  went  hurtling  off  to  windward. 
He  had  exacted  a  complete  revenge  for  their  attack 
upon  him. 

Working  with  the  energy  of  despair,  for  the  ship 
seemed  literally  sinking  under  their  feet,  the  men  suc- 
ceeded in  clearing  away  the  spare  boat  and  launching 
it.  The  steward  saved  two  quadrants,  two  Bowditch's 
"Practical  Navigators,"  the  captain's  chest  and  that 


236         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

of  the  first  mate,  with  two  compasses  which  the  mate 
had  snatched  from  the  binnacle.  They  shoved  off, 
but  had  scarcely  made  two  lengths  from  the  ship  when 
she  fell  over  to  windward  and  settled  low  in  the  water 
on  her  beam-ends,  a  total  wreck. 

The  captain  and  second  mate,  seeing  the  signal  for 
the  recall  of  the  boats  flying,  had  cut  loose  from  their 
whales  and  were  rowing  toward  the  ship.  They 
knew  something  had  happened,  but  what  it  was,  they 
could  not  tell.  The  captain's  boat  was  the  first  to 
reach  the  mate's.  He  stopped  close  by,  so  completely 
overpowered  that  for  a  space  he  could  not  utter  a 
syllable. 

"My  God!  Mr.  Chase,"  he  gasped  out  at  last; 
"what  is  the  matter  ?" 

"We  have  been  stove  in  by  a  whale,  sir,"  said  the 
mate,  telling  the  whole  appalling  story. 

By  the  captain's  direction,  the  boats  rowed  to  the 
sinking  ship,  and  with  their  hatchets  the  men  managed 
to  cut  away  the  masts,  whereupon  she  rose  two-thirds 
of  the  way  to  an  even  keel.  They  scuttled  the  deck  — 
chopped  holes  through  her,  that  is  —  and  succeeded 
in  coming  at  some  six  hundred  pounds  of  unspoiled 
hard  bread,  which  they  divided  among  the  three  boats, 
and  sufficient  fresh  water  to  give  each  boat  sixty-five 
gallons  in  small  breakers  —  being  all  they  dared  to 
take  in  each  one.  They  also  procured  a  musket,  two 
pistols,  some  powder  and  bullets,  some  tools  and  six 
live  turtles.  From  the  light  spars  of  the  ship  they 
rigged  two  masts  for  each  boat  and  with  the  light  can- 
vas provided  each  one  with  two  spritsails  and  a  jib. 
They  also  got  some  light  cedar  planking  used  to  repair 
the  boats,  and  with  it  built  the  gunwales  up  six  inches 
all  around. 


The  Yarn  of  the  Essex,  Whaler      237 

On  the  22nd  of  November,  being  then  in  120  W.Long., 
and  just  north  of  the  equator,  the  officers  took  counsel 
together  as  to  what  to  do.  The  nearest  lands  were  the 
Marquesas  Islands,  fifteen  hundred  miles  away;  the 
Society  Islands,  twenty-four  hundred  miles  away, 
and  the  Sandwich  Islands,  three  thousand  miles 
away.  They  knew  little  about  the  first  two  groups, 
save  that  they  were  inhabited  by  fierce  and  treacherous 
savages  from  whom  they  had  as  much  to  fear  as  from 
the  perils  of  the  sea.  The  Sandwich  Islands  were  too 
far  away,  and  they  would  be  apt  to  meet  hurricanes, 
prevalent  at  that  season,  should  they  attempt  to  reach 
them.  After  a  long  deliberation  they  decided  to  take 
advantage  of  the  southeast  trades  by  sailing  by  the  wind 
until  they  reached  the  twenty-fifth  parallel  of  south 
latitude.  Then  falling  in  with  westerly  and  variable 
winds,  they  could  turn  east  and  run  for  the  coast  of 
Chili  or  Peru.  This  course  involved  the  longest  voy- 
age, but  it  also  promised  the  greatest  chance  for  success. 

Sometimes  they  made  good  progress  with  favorable 
winds.  At  other  times  they  lay  immobile  in  the  blaz- 
ing tropic  sunlight  which  was  almost  unbearable. 
Often  they  were  buffeted  by  fierce  squalls  or  wild 
storms,  especially  as  they  left  the  equator.  Only  the 
important  incidents  of  their  unparalleled  voyage  can 
be  dwelt  upon.  Most  of  the  events  mentioned  hap- 
pened in  the  mate's  boat,  but  the  experience  of  the 
boat  epitomes  that  of  the  others. 

The  mate's  boat  was  the  smallest.  He  was  allotted 
five  men.  The  other  two  boats  each  contained  one 
more  man.  The  men  were  put  on  an  allowance  of 
one  sea-biscuit,  weighing  about  one  pound  and  a 
quarter,  and  a  pint  of  water  a  day.  In  the  mate's 
boat  the  provisions  were  kept  in  his  chest,  which  he 


238         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

locked.  The  men  behaved  in  the  most  exemplary 
manner.  In  only  one  instance  did  any  one  ever 
attempt  to  steal  provisions.  They  ran  into  a  storm 
on  the  24th,  which  wet  some  of  their  biscuit,  and  as 
it  was  necessary  to  get  rid  of  the  damaged  bread  as 
soon  as  possible,  the  daily  allowance  was  taken  from 
the  spoiled  portion  exclusively.  The  soaked  biscuit 
were  very  salt  and  greatly  increased  their  thirst. 

During  the  long  and  exhausting  voyage,  a  plank 
started  in  the  mate's  boat,  and  it  was  with  difficulty 
that  they  heeled  it  over  in  the  water,  at  the  risk  of 
their  lives,  to  get  to  the  place  and  nail  it  up.  One 
night  the  captain's  boat  was  attacked  by  a  species  of 
fish  known  as  a  "killer"  (Orca),  and  its  bows  were 
stove  in.  This  also  they  managed  to  patch  up.  On 
December  3rd,  they  ate  the  last  of  the  spoiled  salt 
bread,  and  their  relief  when  they  began  on  the  other 
was  amazing.  Their  thirst  was  terrible,  especially 
as  it  became  necessary  to  cut  the  allowance  of  food  and 
water  in  half.  They  tried  from  time  to  time  to  catch 
rain  water  by  means  of  the  sails,  but  the  canvas  had 
been  so  often  drenched  by  the  spray  that  the  water 
they  caught  was  as  salt  as  the  sea. 

One  day  they  caught  half  a  dozen  flying  fish,  which 
they  ate  raw.  Mr.  Chase  remarks  on  the  delicacy 
and  daintiness  of  the  mouthfuls  which  these  little  fish 
afforded  the  starving  mariners.  They  fished  for  dol- 
phins and  porpoises,  but  they  never  caught  any, 
perhaps  because  they  had  nothing  with  which  to  bait 
the  hooks.  One  day,  seeking  to  alleviate  the  pangs 
of  thirst  by  wetting  their  bodies,  three  of  the  men 
dropped  into  the  water  alongside  and  clung  to  the 
gunwale.  One  of  them  discovered  that  the  boat's 
bottom    was    covered    with    barnacles.     They    were 


The  Yarn  of  the  Essex,  Whaler    239 

ravenously  devoured,  but  proved  of  little  value  as  food. 
The  men  in  the  water  were  so  weak  that  had  it  not  been 
for  the  efforts  of  three  who  had  remained  in  the  boat, 
sceptical  as  to  the  utility  of  the  bath,  they  would 
never  have  been  able  to  regain  their  positions.  Dur- 
ing all  these  experiences,  discipline  was  maintained  — 
indeed,  it  was  maintained  to  the  very  last. 

On  the  15th  of  December,  they  reached  Ducie 
Island,  in  Long.  124  degrees  40  minutes  W.,  Lat.  24 
degrees  40  minutes  S.,  having  come  some  seventeen 
hundred  miles  in  twenty-three  days  in  these  open  boats. 
They  landed  on  the  island  and  found  a  few  shell-fish, 
birds,  and  a  species  of  pepper-grass,  but  no  water. 
The  famished  men  soon  consumed  everything  eatable 
they  could  come  at  on  the  island.  They  hunted  high 
and  low,  but  it  was  not  until  the  22nd  that  they  found 
a  spring  of  water.  The  island  was  almost  desolate. 
Nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  remaining  there,  so  the 
majority  concluded  to  sail  for  Easter  Island,  some  nine 
hundred  miles  southward.  Three  men  decided  to  stay 
on  the  island.  They  all  spent  a  melancholy  Christmas 
there,  repairing  their  boats  and  filling  their  water- 
breakers,  and  on  the  27th  the  others  took  their 
departure. 

On  the  14th  of  January,  1821,  they  found  that  they 
had  been  driven  to  the  south  of  Easter  Island,  and 
that  it  was  not  practicable  to  beat  up  to  it.  They 
therefore  determined  to  head  for  Juan  Fernandez  — 
Robinson  Crusoe's  Island  —  some  two  thousand  miles 
southeastward.  On  the  10th,  the  second  mate,  Mat- 
thew Joy,  died  from  exposure,  and  was  buried  the  next 
morning.  On  the  12th  in  the  midst  of  a  terrible 
storm,  the  boats  separated. 

First  we  will  follow  the  course  of  the  mate's  boat. 


240         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

On  the  20th,  Peterson,  a  black  man,  died  and  was 
buried.  On  the  8th  of  February,  Isaac  Cole,  a  white 
seaman,  died.  The  men  on  the  boat  were  by  this  time 
in  a  frightful  condition,  weak  and  emaciated  to  the 
last  degree.  Their  provisions  were  almost  gone. 
But  two  biscuit  to  a  man  remained.  They  were  still 
over  a  thousand  miles  from  land.  They  came  to  a 
fearful  determination.  The  body  of  Cole  was  not 
buried.  They  lived  on  him  from  the  9th  to  the  14th. 
On  the  15th  and  16th,  they  consumed  the  last  vestige 
of  their  biscuit. 

On  the  17th,  driving  along  at  the  mercy  of  wind  and 
wave,  for  there  was  not  a  man  strong  enough  to  do 
anything,  they  caught  sight  of  the  Island  of  Massa- 
fuera.  They  were  helpless  to  bring  the  boat  near  to 
the  Island.  Whale-boats  were  steered  by  an  oar. 
There  was  not  a  single  man  able  to  lift  an  oar.  In 
addition  to  starvation,  thirst,  weakness,  mental  anguish, 
their  legs  began  to  swell  with  a  sort  of  scurvy,  giving 
them  excessive  pain.  Their  condition  can  scarcely  be 
imagined.     The  breath  of  life  was  there,  nothing  more. 

However,  they  had  at  last  reached  the  end  of  their 
sufferings,  for  on  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  February, 
1 82 1,  in  Lat.  35  degrees  45  minutes  S.,  Long.  81  degrees 
03  minutes  W.,  the  three  surviving  men  were  picked 
up  by  the  brig  Indian,  of  London,  Captain  William 
Crozier.  On  the  25th  of  February,  they  arrived  at 
Valparaiso,  ninety-six  days  and  nearly  four  thousand 
miles  from  the  sinking  of  the  ship! 

The  other  two  boats  managed  to  keep  together  for 
a  little  while  after  they  lost  sight  of  the  mate's  boat. 
On  the  14th  of  February,  provisions  in  the  second 
mate's  boat  gave  out  entirely.  On  the  15th,  Lawson 
Thomas,  a  black  man,  died  in  that  boat  and  was  eaten. 


The  Yarn  of  the  Essex,  Whaler     241 

The  captain's  boat  ran  out  of  provisions  on  the  21st. 
On  the  23rd  Charles  Shorter,  another  Negro,  died  in 
the  second  mate's  boat  and  was  shared  between  the 
two  boats.  On  the  27th  another  black  man  died 
from  the  same  boat,  furnishing  a  further  meal  for  the 
survivors.  On  the  28th,  Samuel  Reed,  the  last  black 
man,  died  in  the  captain's  boat  and  was  eaten  like  the 
rest.     Singular  that  all  the  Negroes  died  first! 

On  the  29th,  in  a  storm,  these  two  boats  separated. 
When  they  parted  the  second  mate's  boat  had  three 
living  white  men  in  her.  Nothing  was  ever  heard  of 
her. 

It  might  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  the  surviving 
men  had  had  something  to  eat,  that  they  were  in  fair 
physical  condition.  That  is  far  from  the  truth.  The 
men  who  had  died  were  nothing  but  skin  and  bone,  and 
all  that  the  survivors  got  from  their  ghastly  meals 
was  the  bare  prolongation  of  a  life  which  sank  steadily 
to  a  lower  and  lower  ebb.  We  may  not  judge  these 
people  too  harshly.  Hunger  and  thirst  make  men  mad. 
They  scarcely  realized  what  they  did. 

There  was  worse  to  come.  On  the  1st  of  February, 
1 82 1,  being  without  food  or  drink  of  any  sort,  the  four 
men  in  the  captain's  boat  cast  lots  as  to  which  should 
die  for  the  others.  There  is  something  significant  of 
a  spirit  of  fair  play  and  discipline,  not  without  its 
admirable  quality,  that  under  such  circumstances, 
the  weaker  were  not  overpowered  by  the  stronger,  but 
that  each  man  had  an  equal  chance  for  life.  The  lot 
fell  upon  Owen  Coffin,*  the  captain's  nephew.  He 
did  not  repine.     He  expressed  his  willingness  to  abide 

*  A  tradition  still  current  in  Nantucket  has  it  that  the  lot  fell  to  the  captain,  where- 
upon his  nephew,  already  near  death,  feeling  that  he  could  not  survive  the  afternoon, 
offered  and  insisted  upon  taking  his  uncle's  place.    I  doubt  this. 


242         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

by  the  decision.  No  man  desired  to  be  his  executioner. 
They  cast  lots,  as  before,  to  determine  who  should  kill 
him,  and  the  lot  fell  upon  Charles  Ramsdale.  By  him 
Coffin  was  shot. 

Thus  they  eked  out  a  miserable  existence  until  the 
nth  of  February,  when  Barzilla  Ray  died.  On  the 
23rd  of  February,  the  two  remaining  men,  the  captain 
and  Ramsdale,  just  on  the  point  of  casting  lots  as  to 
which  should  have  the  last  poor  chance  for  life,  were 
picked  up  by  the  Nantucket  whaler,  Dauphin,  Captain 
Zimri  Coffin.  They  had  almost  reached  St.  Mary's 
Island,  ten  miles  from  the  coast  of  Chili.  On  the  17th 
of  March,  these  two  survivors  joined  the  three  from 
the  mate's  boat  in  Valparaiso. 

In  the  harbor  was  the  United  States  frigate,  Con- 
stellation, Captain  Charles  G.  Ridgeley,  U.  S.  N.  As 
soon  as  her  commander  heard  of  the  three  left  on 
Ducie  Island,  he  arranged  with  Captain  Thomas 
Raines,  of  the  British  merchant  ship,  Surrey,  to  touch 
at  the  island  on  his  voyage  to  Australia  and  take  off 
the  men.  Captain  Raines  found  them  still  alive,  but 
reduced  to  the  last  gasp. 

Thus  of  the  twenty  men,  five  reached  Valparaiso; 
three  were  saved  on  the  island,  three  were  lost  in  the 
second   mate's   boat,  two  died   and  were  buried;  six 
died  and  were  eaten,  and  one  was  shot  and  eaten. 
\   So  ends  this  strange  tragedy  of  the  sea. 


t 

Part  II 
OTHER  TALES  OF  ADVENTURE 

II 

Some  Famous  American  Duels 


Some  Famous  American  Duels 

WE  are  accustomed  to  regard  our  country 
as  peculiarly  law-abiding  and  peaceful. 
This,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  three 
presidents  have  been  murdered  within  the  last 
forty-five  years,  a  record  of  assassination  of  chief 
magistrates  surpassed  in  no  other  land,  not  even 
in  Russia.  We  need  not  be  surprised  to  learn  that 
in  no  country  was  the  serious  duel,  the  combat  a  Vout- 
rance,  so  prevalent  as  in  the  United  States  at  one 
period  of  our  national  development.  The  code  of 
honor,  so-called,  was  most  profoundly  respected  by 
our  ancestors;  and  the  number  of  eminent  men  who 
engaged  in  duelling  —  and  of  whom  many  lost  their 
lives  on  the  field  —  is  astonishing.  Scarce  any  meet- 
ing was  without  its  fatal  termination,  perhaps  owing 
to  the  fact  that  pistols  and  rifles  were  generally  used, 
and  Americans  are  noted  for  their  marksmanship. 

There  has  been  a  revulsion  of  public  sentiment  which 
has  brought  about  the  practical  abolition  of  duelling 
in  America.  Although  the  practice  still  obtains  in 
continental  European  countries,  it  is  here  regarded  as 
immoral,  and  it  is  illegal  as  well.  For  one  reason, 
in  spite  of  the  apparent  contradiction  above,  we  are 
a  law-abiding  people.  The  genius  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  —  I,  who  am  a  Celt,  admit  it  —  is  for  the 
orderly  administration  of  the  law,  and  much  of  the  evil 
noted  comes  from  the  introduction  within  our  borders 

245 


246         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

of  an  imperfectly  assimilated  foreign  element  which 
cherishes  different  views  on  the  subject.  Another 
deterrent  cause  is  a  cool  common  sense  which  has 
recognized  the  futility  of  trying  to  settle  with  blade  or 
bullet  differences  which  belong  to  the  courts;  to  this 
may  be  added  a  keen  sense  of  humor  which  has  seen 
the  absurdity  and  laughed  the  practice  out  of  existence. 
The  freedom  of  the  press  has  also  been  a  contributing 
factor.  Perhaps  the  greatest  deterrent,  however,  has 
been  the  development  of  a  sense  of  responsibility  for 
life  and  its  uses  to  a  Higher  Power. 

As  General  Grant  has  put  it,  with  the  matchless 
simplicity  of  greatness :  "  I  do  not  believe  I  ever  would 
have  the  courage  to  fight  a  duel.  If  any  man  should 
wrong  me  to  the  extent  of  my  being  willing  to  kill  him, 
I  should  not  be  willing  to  give  him  the  choice  of  weapons 
with  which  it  should  be  done,  and  of  the  time,  place, 
and  distance  separating  us  when  I  executed  him.  If 
I  should  do  any  other  such  a  wrong  as  to  justify  him 
in  killing  me,  I  would  make  any  reasonable  atonement 
within  my  power,  if  convinced  of  the  wrong  done.,, 

With  this  little  preliminary,  I  shall  briefly  review 
a  few  of  the  most  noted  duels  in  our  history. 

I.     A  Tragedy  of  Old  New  York 

On  Wednesday,  the  nth  of  July,  1804,  at  seven 
o'clock  on  a  bright,  sunny,  summer  morning,  two 
men,  pistol  in  hand,  confronted  each  other  on  a  nar- 
row shelf  of  rocky  ground  jutting  out  from  the  cliffs 
that  overlook  the  Hudson  at  Weehawken,  on  the  Jersey 
shore.  One  was  a  small,  slender  man,  the  other  taller 
and  more  imposing  in  appearance.  Both  had  been 
soldiers;    each    faced   the    other   in    grave   quietude, 


Some  Famous  American  Duels     247 

without  giving  outward  evidence  of  any  special 
emotion. 

One  was  at  that  time  the  Vice-president  of  the 
United  States;  the  other  had  been  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  a  general  in  command  of  the  army,  and  was 
the  leading  lawyer  of  his  time.  The  Vice-president 
was  brilliantly  clever;  the  ex-Secretary  was  a  genius 
of  the  first  order. 

A  political  quarrel  had  brought  them  to  this  sorry 
position.  Words  uttered  in  the  heat  of  campaign, 
conveying  not  so  much  a  personal  attack  as  a  well- 
merited  public  censure,  had  been  dwelt  upon  until  the 
Vice-president  had  challenged  his  political  antagonist. 
The  great  attorney  did  not  believe  in  duels.  He  was 
a  Christian,  a  man  of  family;  he  had  everything  to  lose 
and  little  to  gain  from  this  meeting.  Upon  his  great 
past  he  might  hope  to  build  an  even  greater  future. 
He  was  possessed  of  sufficient  moral  courage  to 
refuse  the  meeting,  but  had,  nevertheless,  deliberately 
accepted  the  other's  challenge.  It  is  believed  that  he 
did  so  from  a  high  and  lofty  motive;  that  he  felt  per- 
suaded of  the  instability  of  the  Government  which  he 
had  helped  to  found,  and  that  he  realized  that  he 
possessed  qualities  which  in  such  a  crisis  would  be  of 
rare  service  to  his  adopted  country.  His  future  useful- 
ness, he  thought  —  erroneously,  doubtless,  but  he 
believed  it  —  would  be  impaired  if  any  one  could  cast 
a  doubt  upon  his  courage  by  pointing  to  the  fact  that 
he  had  refused  a  challenge. 

Thirty  months  before,  his  son,  a  bright  lad  of  eigh- 
teen, fresh  from  Columbia  College,  had  been  shot  dead 
in  a  duel  which  he  had  brought  upon  himself  by  resent- 
ing a  public  criticism  of  his  father.  He  had  fallen  on 
that  very  spot  where  his  father  stood.     I  think  that 


248         Otljer  Tales  of  Adventure 

the  tragedy  must  have  been  in  the  great  statesman's 
mind  that  summer  morning. 

The  word  was  given.  The  two  pistols  were  dis- 
charged. The  Vice-president,  taking  deliberate  aim, 
fired  first.  The  ex-Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who 
had  previously  stated  to  his  second  that  he  did  not 
intend  to  fire  at  his  adversary,  discharged  his  pistol  in 
the  air.  He  had  been  hit  by  the  bullet  of  his  enemy,  and 
did  not  know  that  as  he  fell,  by  a  convulsive  movement, 
he  had  pulled  the  trigger  of  the  weapon  in  his  hand. 

That  was  the  end  —  for  he  died  the  next  day  after 
lingering  agonies  —  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  the  great- 
est intellect  and  one  of  the  greatest  personalities  asso- 
ciated with  the  beginning  of  this  Government.  It  was 
also  the  end  of  his  successful  antagonist,  Aaron  Burr, 
for  thereafter  he  was  a  marked  man,  an  avoided,  a 
hated  man.  When  abroad  in  1808,  he  gave  Jeremy 
Bentham  an  account  of  the  duel,  and  said  that  he 
"was  sure  of  being  able  to  kill  him."  "And  so," 
replied  Bentham,  "I  thought  it  little  better  than  a 
murder."  "Posterity,"  the  historian  adds,  "will  not 
be  likely  to  disturb  the  judgment  of  the  British  phil- 
osopher." 

II.     Andrew  Jackson  as  a  Duellist 

Comparatively  speaking,  the  next  great  duel  on  my 
list  attracted  little  more  than  local  attention  at  the 
time.  Years  after,  when  one  of  them  who  took  part 
in  it  had  risen  to  national  fame,  and  was  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency,  it  was  revived  and  made  much  of.  On 
Friday,  the  30th  of  May,  1806,  Charles  Dickinson,  a 
young  man  of  brilliant  abilities,  born  in  Maryland  and 
residing  in  Tennessee,  met  Andrew  Jackson,  of  the 


Some  Famous  American  Duels      249 

latter  state,  near  the  banks  of  a  small  stream  called 
the  Red  River,  in  a  sequestered  woodland  glade  in 
Logan  County,  Ky.,  a  day's  ride  from  Nashville. 

Unwittingly,  and  with  entire  innocence  on  the  part 
of  both  parties,  Andrew  Jackson  had  placed  his  wife 
in  an  equivocal  position  by  marrying  her  before  a 
divorce  had  separated  her  from  her  husband*.  Abso- 
lutely no  blame,  except,  perhaps,  a  censure  for  care- 
lessness, attaches  to  Jackson  or  his  wife,  and  their 
whole  life  together  was  an  example  of  conjugal  affec- 
tion. However,  his  enemies  —  and  he  had  many  — 
found  it  easy  to  strike  at  him  through  this  unfortunate 
episode.  There  did  not  live  a  more  implacable  and 
unforgiving  man,  when  his  wife  was  slandered,  than 
Andrew  Jackson. 

Dickinson,  who  was  a  political  rival,  spoke  slur- 
ringly  of  Mrs.  Jackson.  He  apologized  for  it  on  the 
plea  that  he  had  been  in  his  cups  at  the  time,  but 
Jackson  never  forgave  him.  A  political  difference  as 
an  ostensible  cause  of  quarrel  soon  developed.  Dick- 
inson sent  a  challenge  which  was  gladly  accepted.  The 
resulting  duel  was  probably  the  most  dramatic  that 
ever  occurred  in  the  United  States.  Dickinson  was 
a  dead  shot.  So,  for  that  matter,  was  Jackson,  but 
Dickinson  was  remarkable  for  the  quickness  of  his 
fire,  while  Jackson  was  slower.  The  arrangements 
stipulated  that  the  combatants  should  be  placed  at  the 
close  distance  of  eight  paces;  that  the  word  "fire!" 
should  be  given,  after  which  each  was  to  fire  one  shot 
at  will.  Rather  than  be  hurried  and  have  his  aim 
disturbed,  Jackson  determined  to  sustain  Dickinson's 
fire  and  then  return  it  at  his  leisure. 

*  The  reader  may  consult  my  book  "  The  True  Andrew  Jackson  "  for  a  detailed 
account  of  this  interesting  transaction. 


250         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

"What  if  he  kills  you  or  disables  you?"  asked  his 
second. 

"Sir,"  replied  Jackson  deliberately,  "I  shall  kill 
him  though  he  should  hit  me  in  the  brain!" 

This  is  no  gasconade  or  bravado,  but  simply  an 
evidence  of  an  intensity  of  purpose,  of  which  no  man 
ever  had  a  greater  supply  than  Andrew  Jackson. 

Dickinson  fired  instantly  the  word  was  given.  A 
fleck  of  dust  arose  from  the  loose  coat  which  covered 
the  spare  form  of  the  General,  but  he  stood  apparently 
untouched.  Dickinson,  amazed,  shrank  back  from 
the  peg  indicating  his  position.  Old  General  Over- 
ton, Jackson's  second,  raised  his  pistol. 

"Back  to  the  mark,  sir!"  he  thundered,  as  the 
unhappy  young  man  exclaimed  in  dismay. 

"Great  God!  Have  I  missed  him  ?" 

Dickinson  recovered  himself  immediately,  stepped 
back  to  the  mark,  and  folded  his  arms  to  receive  Jack- 
son's fire.  The  hammer  of  the  Tennesseean's  pistol 
stopped  at  half-cock.  He  deliberately  re-cocked  his 
weapon,  took  careful  aim  again,  and  shot  Dickinson 
through  the  body.  Seeing  his  enemy  fall,  Jackson 
turned  and  walked  away.  It  was  not  until  he  had  gone 
one  hundred  yards  from  the  duelling  ground  and  was 
hidden  by  the  thick  poplar  trees,  that  his  second  noticed 
that  one  of  his  shoes  was  filled  with  blood.  Dickinson 
had  hit  the  General  in  the  breast,  inflicting  a  severe 
wound,  and  might  have  killed  him  had  not  the  bullet 
glanced  on  a  rib.  The  iron-nerved  Jackson  declared 
that  his  reason  for  concealing  his  wound  was  that  he 
did  not  intend  to  give  Dickinson  the  satisfaction  of 
knowing  that  he  had  hit  his  enemy  before  he  died. 

Twenty-two  years  after,  as  Jackson  stood  by  his 
dead  wife's  body,  he  "  lifted  his  cane  as  if  appealing  to 


Some  Famous  American  Duels     251 

heaven,  and  by  a  look  commanding  silence,  said,  slowly 
and  painfully,  and  with  a  voice  full  of  bitter  tears: 

"'In  the  presence  of  this  dear  saint  I  can  and  do 
forgive  all  my  enemies.  But  those  vile  wretches  who 
have  slandered  her  must  look  to  God  for  mercy  P" 

III.     The  Killing  of  Stephen  Decatur 

The  idol  of  the  American  Navy  was  Stephen  Decatur. 
James  Barron,  a  disgraced  officer  under  suspension  for 
his  lack  of  conduct  during  the  famous  affair  beween 
the  British  ship  Leopard  and  the  American  ship  Chesa- 
peake, had  taken  no  part  in  the  war  of  1812,  for  causes 
which  afforded  him  sufficient  excuse;  but  subsequently 
he  sought  re-employment  in  the  navy.  Decatur,  who 
had  been  one  of  the  court  which  tried  and  sentenced 
him  before  the  war,  and  who  was  now  a  naval  com- 
missioner, opposed  his  plea.  The  situation  brought 
forth  a  challenge  from  Barron.  Decatur  was  under 
no  necessity  of  meeting  it.  As  commissioner,  he  was 
in  effect,  Barron's  superior,  and  Washington  had  laid 
down  a  rule  for  General  Greene's  guidance  in  a  similar 
case  that  a  superior  officer  is  not  amenable  to  challenge 
from  a  junior  officer  whom  he  has  offended  in  course 
of  duty.  The  principle  is  sound  common  sense,  as 
everybody,  even  duellists,  will  admit.  Nevertheless, 
such  was  the  state  of  public  opinion  about  questions 
of  "honor"  that  Decatur  felt  constrained  to  accept 
the  challenge. 

The  two  naval  officers  met  on  the  duelling  ground  at 
Bladensburg,  "the  cockpit  of  Washington  duellists," 
on  the  22nd  of  March,  1820.  Barron  was  near- 
sighted, and  insisted  upon  a  closer  distance  than  the 
usual   ten   paces.     They  were   placed   a   scant  eight 


252         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

paces  apart.  Decatur,  who  was  a  dead  shot,  did  not 
wish  to  kill  Barron;  at  the  same  time  he  did  not  deem 
it  safe  to  stand  his  adversary's  fire  without  return. 
Therefore  he  stated  to  his  second  that  he  would  shoot 
Barron  in  the  hip.  Before  the  duel,  Barron  expressed 
the  hope  that  if  they  met  in  another  world  they  might 
be  better  friends.  Decatur  replied  gravely  that  he 
had  never  been  Barron's  enemy.  Under  such  circum- 
stances it  would  appear  that  the  quarrel  might  have 
been  composed  without  the  shedding  of  blood. 

At  the  word  "two"  the  men  fired  together,  Decatur's 
bullet  struck  Barron  in  the  hip,  inflicting  a  severe  but 
not  mortal  wound.  At  the  same  instant  Barron's  bullet 
passed  through  Decatur's  abdomen,  inflicting  a  wound 
necessarily  fatal  then,  probably  so,  even  now.  As  he 
lay  on  the  ground  the  great   commodore  said  faintly: 

"  I  am  mortally  wounded  —  at  least,  I  believe  so  — 
and  I  wish  I  had  fallen  in  defence  of  my  country." 

He  died  at  ten  o'clock  that  night,  regretted  by  all 
who  love  brave  men  the  world  over. 

IV.     An  Episode  in  the  Life  of  James  Bowie 

Of  a  different  character,  but  equally  interesting, 
was  an  encounter  in  August,  1829,  which  has  become 
famous  because  of  one  of  the  weapons  used  with  deadly 
effect.  On  an  island  in  the  Mississippi  River,  opposite 
Natchez,  which  was  nothing  but  a  sand  bar  with  some 
undergrowth  upon  it,  a  party  of  men  met  to  witness 
and  second  a  duel  between  a  Dr.  Maddox  and  one 
Samuel  Wells.  The  spectators  were  all  interested 
in  one  or  the  other  combatant,  and  had  taken  part  in 
a  neighborhood  feud  which  arose  out  of  a  specula- 
tion in  land. 


Some  Famous  American  Duels     253 

The  two  principals  exchanged  two  shots  without 
injury,  whereupon  the  seconds  and  spectators,  unable 
to  restrain  their  animosity,  started  a  free  fight.  Judge 
Crane,  of  Mississippi,  was  the  leader  on  one  side; 
James  Bowie,  of  Georgia,  the  principal  man  on  the 
other.  Crane  was  armed  with  a  brace  of  duelling 
pistols;  Bowie  had  nothing  but  a  knife.  Bowie  and  a 
friend  of  his,  named  Currey,  attacked  Crane  after 
the  Maddox- Wells  duel  had  been  abandoned.  Crane 
was  wounded  in  the  left  arm  by  a  shot  from  Currey; 
he  thereupon  shot  Currey  dead  and  with  his  remaining 
pistol  he  wounded  Bowie  in  the  groin.  Nevertheless, 
Bowie  resolutely  came  on.  Crane  struck  him  over 
the  head  with  his  pistol,  felling  him  to  the  ground. 
Undaunted,  Bowie  scrambled  to  his  feet  and  made 
again  for  Crane. 

Major  Wright,  a  friend  of  Crane's,  now  interposed, 
and  thrust  at  Bowie  with  a  sword  cane.  The  blade 
tore  open  Bowie's  breast.  The  terrible  Georgian, 
twice  wounded  though  he  was,  caught  Wright  by  the 
neck-cloth,  grappled  with  him,  and  threw  him  to  the 
ground,  falling  upon  him. 

"Now,  Major,  you  die,"  said  Bowie  coolly,  wrench- 
ing his  arm  free  and  plunging  his  knife  into  Wright's 
heart. 

The  knife  had  been  made  by  Bowie's  brother  Rezin 
out  of  a  blacksmith's  rasp.  It  was  shaped  in  accord- 
ance with  his  own  ideas,  and  James  Bowie  used  it  with 
terrible  effect.  It  was  the  first  of  the  celebrated 
"Bowie  knives"  which  played  so  great  a  part  in  fron- 
tier quarrels. 

In  the  general  melee  which  followed  the  death  of 
Wright  and  Currey,  six  other  men  were  killed  and  fif- 
teen severely  wounded.     Bowie  was  a  noted  duellist 


254         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

in  his  day,  and  died  heroically  in  the  famous  siege  of 
the  Alamo*. 

On  one  occasion  he  was  a  passenger  on  a  Mississ- 
ippi steamboat  with  a  young  man  and  his  bride.  The 
young  man  had  collected  a  large  sum  of  money  for 
friends  and  employers,  which  he  gambled  away  on  the 
boat.  Bowie  kept  him  from  suicide,  took  his  place 
at  the  gaming-table,  exposed  the  cheating  of  the  gam- 
blers, was  challenged  by  one  of  them,  fought  him  on  the 
hurricane  deck  of  the  steamer,  shot  him  into  the  river, 
and  restored  the  money  to  the  distracted  husband. 

Brief  reference  may  be  made  to  an  affair  between 
Major  Thomas  Biddle,  of  the  United  States  Army, 
and  Congressman  Spencer  Pettis,  of  Missouri,  on 
August  27,  1 83 1.  The  cause  of  the  duel  was  a  political 
difficulty.  The  two  men  stood  five  feet  apart,  their 
pistols  overlapping.  Both  were  mortally  wounded. 
This  was  nothing  less  than  a  double  murder,  and  shows 
to  what  length  men  will  go  under  the  heat  of  passion 
or  the  stimulus  of  a  false  code  of  honor. 

V.     A  Famous  Congressional  Duel 

On  February  the  24,  1838,  at  a  quarter  after  three 
o'clock  on  the  Marlborough  Road  in  Maryland,  just 
outside  the  District  of  Columbia,  two  members  of  Con- 
gress, Jonathan  Cilley  of  Maine,  and  William  J.  Graves 
of  Kentucky,  exchanged  shots  with  rifles  at  a  distance 
of  ninety  yards  three  times  in  succession.  At  the  third 
exchange,  Cilley  was  shot  and  died  in  three  minutes. 
Of  all  the  causes  for  deadly  encounters,  that  which 
brought  these  two  men  opposite  each  other  was  the 

*  Sec  my  "Border  Fights  and  Fighters"  in  this  series  for  an  account  of  this  dramatic 
and  heroic  adventure. 


Some  Famous  American  Duels     255 

most  foolish.  Cilley,  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  had 
reflected  upon  the  character  of  a  newspaper  editor  in  the 
discussion  of  charges  which  had  been  made  against  cer- 
tain Congressmen  with  whom  he  had  no  personal  con- 
nection. The  newspaper  editor,  whose  subsequent 
conduct  showed  that  he  fully  merited  even  more 
severe  strictures  than  Cilley  had  passed  upon  him,  sent 
a  challenge  to  the  gentleman  from  Maine  by  the  hand 
of  Congressman  Graves. 

Cilley  took  the  justifiable  position  that  his  lan- 
guage had  been  proper  and  privileged,  and  that  he  did 
not  propose  to  accept  a  challenge  or  discuss  the  mat- 
ter with  any  one.  He  assured  Graves  that  this  declina- 
tion to  pursue  the  matter  further  was  not  to  be  con- 
strued as  a  reflection  upon  the  bearer  of  the  challenge. 
There  was  no  quarrel  whatever  between  Cilley  and 
Graves.  Nevertheless,  Graves  took  the  ground  that 
the  refusal  to  accept  the  challenge  which  he  had 
brought  was  a  reflection  upon  him.  He  thereupon 
challenged  Cilley  on  his  own  behalf.  Efforts  were 
made  to  compose  the  quarrel  but  Cilley  was  not  willing 
to  go  further  than  he  had  already  done.  He  positively 
refused  to  discuss  the  editor  in  question.  He  would 
only  repeat  that  he  intended  no  reflection  upon  Mr. 
Graves,  whom  he  respected  and  esteemed,  by  refusing 
the  editor's  challenge.  This  was  not  satisfactory  to 
Graves,  and  the  duel  was,  accordingly,  arranged. 

During  its  course,  after  each  fruitless  exchange  of 
shots,  efforts  were  made  to  end  the  affair,  but  Graves 
refused  to  accept  Cilley' s  statement,  again  repeated, 
that  he  had  no  reflection  to  cast  upon  Mr.  Graves, 
and  Cilley  refused  to  abandon  the  position  he  had  taken 
with  regard  to  the  editor.  Never  did  a  more  foolish 
punctilio  bring  about  so  terrible  a  result.     Aside  from 


256         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

accepting  the  challenge,  Cilley  had  pursued  a  dignified 
and  proper  course.  Graves,  to  put  it  mildly,  had  played 
the  fool.  He  was  practically  a  disgraced  man  there- 
after. The  Congressional  committee  which  investi- 
gated the  matter  censured  him  in  the  severest  terms,  and 
recommended  his  expulsion  from  Congress.  Perhaps 
the  public  indignation  excited  by  this  wretched  affair 
did  more  to  discredit  duelling  than  any  previous  event. 

VI.     The  Last  Notable  Duel  in  America 

The  last  notable  American  duel  was  that  between 
United  States  Senator  Broderick,  of  California,  and 
ex-Chief  Justice  Terry,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
same  state,  on  September  13,  1859.  This,  too,  arose 
from  political  differences.  Broderick  and  Terry 
belonged  to  different  factions  of  the  growing  Repub- 
lican party,  each  struggling  for  control  in  California. 
Broderick  was  strongly  anti-slavery,  and  his  opponents 
wanted  him  removed.  Terry  was  defeated  in  his  cam- 
paign for  reelection  largely,  as  he  supposed,  through 
Broderick's  efforts.  The  two  men  had  been  good 
friends  previously.  Broderick  had  stood  by  Terry  on 
one  occasion  when  everybody  else  had  been  against 
him  and  his  situation  had  been  critical.  In  his  anger 
over  his  defeat,  Terry  accused  Broderick  of  disgraceful 
and  underhand  practices.  Broderick  was  provoked 
into  the  following  rejoinder: 

"I  see  that  Terry  has  been  abusing  me.  I  now 
take  back  the  remark  I  once  made  that  he  is  the  only 
honest  judge  in  the  Supreme  Court.  I  was  his  friend 
when  he  was  in  need  of  friends,  for  which  I  am  sorry. 
Had  the  vigilance  committee  disposed  of  him  as  they 
did  of  others,  they  would  have  done  a  righteous  act." 


Some  Famous  American  Duels     257 

He  alluded  to  Terry's  arrest  by  the  Vigilantes  in 
August,  1856,  charged  with  cutting  a  man  named 
Sterling  A.  Hopkins,  in  the  attempt  to  free  from  arrest 
one  Reuben  Maloney.  Had  Hopkins  died,  Terry 
would  probably  have  been  hung.  As  it  was,  it  took  the 
strongest  influence  —  Masonic,  press  and  other  —  to 
save  him  from  banishment. 

Terry,  after  some  acrimonious  correspondence,  chal- 
lenged Broderick.  A  meeting  on  the  12th  of  Sep- 
tember was  stopped  by  the  Chief  of  Police  of  San 
Francisco.  The  police  magistrate  before  whom  the 
duellists  were  arraigned,  discharged  them  on  the 
ground  that  there  had  been  no  actual  misdemeanor. 

Next  day  the  principals  and  the  seconds  met  again 
at  the  foot  of  Lake  Merced,  about  twelve  miles  from 
San  Francisco.  About  eighty  spectators,  friends  of 
the  participants,  were  present.  The  distance  was  the 
usual  ten  paces.  Both  pistols  had  hair  triggers,  but 
Broderick's  was  more  delicately  set  than  Terry's, 
so  much  so  that  a  jar  might  discharge  it.  Broderick's 
seconds  were  inexperienced  men,  and  no  one  realized 
the  importance  of  this  difference. 

At  the  word  both  raised  their  weapons.  Broderick's 
was  discharged  before  he  had  elevated  it  sufficiently, 
and  his  bullet  struck  the  ground  about  six  feet  in  front 
of  Terry.  Terry  was  surer  and  shot  his  antagonist 
through  the  lung.  Terry,  who  acted  throughout  with 
cold-blooded  indifference,  watched  his  antagonist  fall 
and  remarked  that  the  wound  was  not  mortal,  as  he 
had  struck  two  inches  to  the  right.  He  then  left  the 
field. 

When  Broderick  fell,  one  of  the  bystanders,  named 
Davis,  shouted  out: 

"That  is  murder,  by  God!" 


258  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

Drawing  his  own  weapon,  he  started  for  Terry, 
exclaiming:  "I  am  Broderick's  friend.  I'm  not  going 
to  see  him  killed  in  that  way.  If  you  are  men  you  will 
join  me  in  avenging  his  death!" 

Some  cool  heads  in  the  multitude  restrained  him, 
pointing  out  that  if  he  attacked  Terry  there  would  be 
a  general  melee,  from  which  few  on  the  ground  would 
escape,  and  they  finally  succeeded  in  getting  him  away. 

Broderick  lingered  for  three  days. 

"They  have  killed  me,"  he  said,  "because  I  was 
opposed  to  slavery  and  a  corrupt  administration." 

Colonel  Edward  D.  Baker,  who  was  killed  at  Ball's 
Bluff  in  the  Civil  War,  received  his  friend's  last  words. 

"I  tried  to  stand  firm  when  I  was  wounded,  but  I 
could  not.     The  blow  blinded  me." 

Terry  was  tried  for  murder,  but  by  influence  and 
other  means  he  was  never  convicted,  and  escaped  all 
punishment  save  that  inflicted  by  his  conscience. 

In  judging  these  affairs,  it  must  be  remembered 
that  many  of  the  most  prominent  Americans  of  the 
past  —  Benton,  Clay,  Calhoun  and  Houston  among 
them  —  fought  duels.  And  it  is  well  known  that  only 
Abraham  Lincoln's  wit  and  humor  saved  him  from 
a  deadly  encounter  with  General  James  Shields,  whose 
challenge  he  accepted. 


Part  II 
OTHER  TALES  OF  ADVENTURE 

in 
The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin 


The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin 

A  Forgotten  Tragedy  in  Early  American  History 

ON  THE  morning  of  the  8th  of  September,  1810, 
two  ships  were  running  side  by  side  before 
a  fresh  southwesterly  breeze  off  Sandy 
Hook,  New  York.  One  was  the  great  United 
States  ship  Constitution,  Captain  Isaac  Hull;  the 
other  was  the  little  full-rigged  ship  Tonquin,  of 
two  hundred  and  ninety  tons  burden. 

This  little  vessel  was  captained  by  one  Jonahant 
Thorn,  who  was  at  the  time  a  lieutenant  in  the  United 
States  Navy.  He  had  obtained  leave  of  absence  for 
the  purpose  of  making  a  cruise  in  the  Tonquin  Thorn 
was  a  thoroughly  experienced  seaman  and  a  skilled  and 
practised  navigator.  He  was  a  man  of  magnificent 
physique,  with  a  fine  war  record. 

He  was  with  Decatur  in  the  Intrepid  when  he  put 
the  captured  Philadelphia  to  flames  six  years  before. 
In  the  subsequent  desperate  gunboat  fighting  at 
Tripoli,  Midshipman  Thorn  had  borne  so  distin- 
guished a  part  that  he  received  special  commendation 
by  Commodore  Preble.  As  to  his  other  qualities, 
Washington  Irving,  who  knew  him  from  infancy, 
wrote  of  him  to  the  last  with  a  warm  affection  which 
nothing  could  diminish. 

Mr.  John  Jacob  Astor,  merchant,  fur-trader,  finan- 
cier, had  pitched  upon  Thorn  as  the  best  man  to  take 

261 


262         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

the  ship  bearing  the  first  representatives  of  the  Pacific 
Fur  Company  around  the  Horn  and  up  to  the  far 
northwestern  American  coast  to  make  the  first  settle- 
ment at  Astoria,  whose  history  is  so  interwoven  with 
that  of  our  country. 

Mr.  Astor  already  monopolized  the  fur  trade  of  the 
Far  West  south  of  the  Great  Lakes.  His  present  plan 
was  to  form  a  fur  company  and  establish  a  series  of 
trading  posts  along  the  Missouri  River,  reaching 
overland  across  the  Rocky  Mountains  until  they  joined 
the  posts  on  the  Pacific.  The  place  he  selected  for  his 
Pacific  depot  was  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River. 

The  principal  rival  of  the  Astor  Fur  Trading  Com- 
pany was  the  Northwest  Company.  Astor  tried  to 
persuade  the  company  to  join  him  in  his  new  venture. 
When  it  refused  to  do  so  as  an  organization,  he 
approached  individual  employees  of  the  Company, 
and  in  18 10  formed  the  Pacific  Fur  Company.  Among 
the  incorporators  were  four  Scottish  Canadians,  Messrs. 
McKay,  McDougall,  David  Stuart,  and  Robert,  his 
nephew.  There  were  several  other  partners,  includ- 
ing Wilson  Price  Hunt,  of  New  Jersey. 

It  was  planned  that  Hunt  should  lead  an  overland 
expedition  from  St.  Louis,  while  the  four  Scotsmen 
mentioned  went  around  the  Horn,  and  that  they  should 
meet  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River,  where  the 
trading  post  was  to  be  situated.  Most  of  the  employees 
of  the  company  were  Canadians  who  had  enjoyed  large 
experience  in  the  fur  business.  Among  these  were 
included  a  large  number  of  French  voyageurs. 

Thus  the  Tonquin,  owned  by  a  German,  captained 
by  an  American,  with  a  crew  including  Swedes,  French, 
English,  Negroes,  and  Americans,  carrying  out  a  party 
of  Scottish  and  French  Canadians  and  one  Russian, 


The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin         263 

started  on  her  memorable  voyage  to  establish  a  trad- 
ing post  under  the  American  flag!  The  crew  of  the 
Tonquin  numbered  twenty-three  men.  The  number 
of  passengers  was  thirty-three. 

The  story  of  her  voyage  is  related  in  the  letters  of  the 
captain  to  Mr.  Astor,  and  more  fully  in  a  quaint  and 
curious  French  journal  published  at  Montreal  in  18 19, 
by  M.  Gabriel  Franchere,  one  of  the  Canadian  clerks 
who  made  the  voyage. 

The  Tonquin  was  pierced  for  twenty  guns,  only  ten 
small  ones  being  mounted.  The  other  ports  were  pro- 
vided with  imposing  wooden  dummies.  She  had  a 
high  poop  and  a  topgallant  forecastle.  The  four 
partners,  with  James  Lewis,  acting  captain's  clerk, 
and  one  other,  with  the  two  mates,  slept  in  the  cabin 
or  wardroom  below  the  poop.  Forward  of  this  main 
cabin  was  a  large  room  extending  across  the  ship, 
called  the  steerage,  in  which  the  rest  of  the  clerks, 
the  mechanics,  and  the  Canadian  boatmen  were 
quartered. 

Thorn  seems  to  have  felt  to  the  full  all  the  early 
naval  officer's  utterly  unmerited  contempt  for  the 
merchant  service.  It  is  also  the  habit  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  to  hold  the  French  in  slight  esteem  on  the  sea. 
The  Canadians  were  wretched  sailors,  and  Thorn 
despised  them.  Thorn  also  cherished  a  natural  hatred 
against  the  English,  who  were  carrying  things  with  a 
high  hand  on  our  coast.  He  began  the  voyage  with  a 
violent  prejudice  against  the  four  partners  on  his  ship. 
Indeed,  the  Constitution  had  convoyed  the  Tonquin 
to  sea  because  it  was  rumored  that  a  British  brig-o'- 
war  intended  to  swoop  down  upon  her  and  take  off  the 
English  subjects  on  board.  It  was  quite  evident 
that  war  would  shortly  break  out  between  England 


264         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

and  the  United  States,  and  the  Scottish  partners  had 
surreptitiously  consulted  the  English  consul  as  to 
what  they  should  do  if  hostilities  began.  They  were 
informed  that  in  that  case  they  would  be  treated  as 
British  subjects  —  a  fine  situation  for  an  American 
expedition ! 

With  such  a  spirit  in  the  captain,  and  such  a  feeling 
on  the  part  of  the  passengers,  the  relations  between 
them  were  bound  to  become  strained.  Hostilities 
began  at  once.  The  first  night  out  Thorn  ordered 
all  lights  out  at  eight  bells.  This  in  spite  of  all  the 
remonstrances  of  the  four  partners,  who,  as  represen- 
ting Mr.  Astor,  considered  themselves,  properly  enough, 
as  owners  of  the  ship.  These  gentlemen  did  not  wish 
to  retire  at  so  early  an  hour,  nor  did  they  desire  to 
spend  the  intervening  time  in  darkness.  They  remon- 
strated with  Thorn,  and  he  told  them,  in  the  terse, 
blunt  language  of  a  seaman,  to  keep  quiet  or  he  would 
put  them  in  irons.  In  case  he  attempted  that,  they 
threatened  to  resort  to  firearms  for  protection.  Finally, 
however,  the  captain  allowed  them  a  little  longer  use 
of  their  lights.  Thus  was  inaugurated  a  long,  dis- 
graceful wrangle  that  did  not  cease  while  life  lasted. 

There  was  doubtless  much  fault  on  both  sides,  but, 
in  spite  of  the  brilliant  advocate  who  has  pleaded 
Thorn's  cause,  I  cannot  but  admit  that  he  was  decidedly 
the  more  to  blame.  He  carried  things  with  a  high  hand, 
indeed,  treating  the  partners  as  he  might  a  graceless 
lot  of  undisciplined  midshipmen. 

A  voyage  around  the  Horn  in  those  days  was  no 
slight  matter.  The  Tonquin  was  a  remarkably  good 
sailer,  but  it  was  not  until  the  5th  of  October  that  they 
sighted  the  Cape  Verde  Islands.  There  they  struck 
the  Trades,  and  went  booming  down  the  African  coast 


The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin         265 

at  a  great  rate.  There,  also,  they  were  pursued  by  a 
large  man-o'-war  brig.  On  the  third  day  she  drew  so 
near  that  Thorn  prepared  for  action,  whereupon  the 
brig  sheered  off,  and  left  them. 

On  the  nth  of  October  they  ran  into  a  terrific  storm, 
which  prevailed  until  the  21st,  when  they  found  them- 
selves off  the  River  Plate.  While  the  storm  was  at 
its  height  the  man  at  the  wheel  was  thrown  across  the 
deck  by  a  sudden  jump  of  the  wheel  and  severely 
injured,  breaking  three  of  his  ribs  and  fracturing  his 
collar-bone*.  Thorn's  seamanship  during  the  trying 
period  was  first  class.  After  the  gale  blew  itself  out,  a 
fresh  breeze  succeeded,  which  enabled  them  rapidly  to 
run  down  their  southing.  The  water  supply  had 
grown  very  low,  and  it  was  determined  to  run  in  to  the 
Falkland  Islands  to  fill  the  casks. 

They  made  a  landfall  on  the  3rd  of  December,  got 
on  shore  on  one  of  the  smaller  islets  on  the  4th,  found 
no  water,  and  were  driven  to  sea  to  seek  an  offing  on  the 
5th  by  a  gale.  On  the  6th  they  landed  at  Point  Egmont 
on  the  West  Falkland,  and  found  a  fine  spring  of  fresh 
water.  As  it  would  take  several  days  to  fill  the  casks, 
all  the  passengers  went  ashore  and  camped  on  the 
deserted  island.  They  amused  themselves  by  fishing, 
shooting  and  rambling  about.  On  the  nth  of  the 
month  the  captain,  having  filled  his  water-casks,  sig- 
nalled for  every  man  to  come  aboard,  by  firing  a  gun. 
Eight  passengers,  including  McDougall  and  Stuart, 
happened  to  be  on  shore  at  the  time.  They  had  wan- 
dered around  to  the  other  side  of  the  island,  and  did 
not  hear  the  report  of  the  gun.  Thorn,  after  wait- 
ing a  short  time,  weighed  anchor  and  filled  away  from 

*  I  have  seen   a  man   at  the  wheel  of  the  old  Constellation  on  one  of  my  own 
cruises  similarly  injured. 


266         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

the  island,  firmly  resolved  to  leave  the  men  ashore, 
marooned  and  destitute  of  supplies  on  that  desolate 
and  uninhabited  spot,  where  they  must  inevitably 
perish  of  starvation  and  exposure. 

Some  of  the  abandoned  passengers  happened  to  see 
the  Tonquin  fast  leaving  the  island.  In  great  alarm  they 
hastily  summoned  all  the  other  wanderers,  and  the  eight 
got  into  a  small  boat  twenty  feet  long,  which  had  been 
left  with  them,  and  rowed  after  the  rapidly  receding 
ship.  They  had  not  the  slightest  hope  of  catching  her 
unless  she  waited  for  them,  but  they  pulled  for  her 
with  furious  energy,  nevertheless.  As  the  Tonquin 
got  from  under  the  lee  of  the  land  the  breeze  freshened 
and  she  drew  away  from  them  with  every  passing 
moment  in  spite  of  their  manful  work  at  the  oars. 
When  they  had  about  given  up  in  exhaustion  and  des- 
pair, the  ship  suddenly  changed  her  course  and  stood 
toward  them. 

Franchere  says  that  it  was  because  young  Stuart  put 
a  pistol  to  the  captain's  head  and  swore  that  he  would 
blow  out  his  brains  unless  he  went  back  for  the  boat. 
The  captain's  account  to  Mr.  Astor  is  that  a  sudden 
shift  of  wind  compelled  him  to  come  about  and  this 
gave  the  boat  an  opportunity  to  overhaul  him.  There 
was  a  scene  of  wild  recrimination  when  the  boat 
reached  the  ship,  shortly  after  six  bells  (3  P.  M.),  but 
it  did  not  seem  to  bother  Thorn  in  the  least. 

On  the  1 8th  of  December,  they  were  south  and  east 
of  Cape  Horn.  The  weather  was  mild  and  pleasant, 
but  before  they  could  make  headway  enough  against 
the  swift  easterly  current  to  round  that  most  dangerous 
point  it  came  on  to  blow  a  regular  Cape  Horn  gale. 
After  seven  days  of  hard  beating  they  celebrated  Christ- 
mas under  pleasanter  auspices  in  the  southern  Pacific. 


The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin         267 

Their  run  northward  was  uneventful,  and  on  the  nth 
of  February,  181 1,  they  sighted  the  volcano  of  Mauna 
Loa  in  the  Sandwich  Islands.  They  landed  on  the  12th 
and  spent  sixteen  days  among  the  different  islands, 
visiting,  filling  the  water-casks,  and  buying  fresh 
meat,  vegetables,  and  live-stock  from  Kamehameha  I. 

While  Captain  Thorn  was  hated  by  the  passengers,  he 
was  not  loved  by  his  officers.  Singularly  enough,  he 
seems  to  have  been  well  liked  by  the  crew,  although 
there  were  some  exceptions  even  there.  Anderson, 
the  boatswain,  left  the  ship  at  Hawaii.  There  had 
been  difficulties  between  them,  and  the  captain  was 
glad  to  see  him  go.  A  sample  of  Thorn's  method 
of  administering  discipline  is  interesting. 

The  day  they  sailed  a  seaman  named  Aymes  strayed 
from  the  boat  party,  and  was  left  behind  when  the 
boat  returned  to  the  ship.  In  great  terror  Aymes  had 
some  natives  bring  him  aboard  in  a  canoe.  A  long- 
boat loaded  with  fodder  for  the  live-stock  lay  along- 
side. As  Aymes  clambered  into  the  long-boat,  the 
captain,  who  was  furiously  angry,  sprang  down  into  the 
boat,  seized  Aymes  with  one  hand  and  a  stout  piece 
of  sugar-cane  with  the  other.  With  this  formidable 
weapon  the  unfortunate  sailor  was  beaten  until  he 
screamed  for  mercy.  After  wearing  out  the  sugar- 
cane upon  him,  with  the  remark  that  if  he  ever  saw  him 
on  the  sloop  again,  he  would  kill  him,  the  captain 
pitched  him  into  the  water.  Aymes,  who  was  a  good 
swimmer,  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  the  shore,  and 
stayed  there  with  Anderson.  Twenty- four  natives 
were  shipped  at  Hawaii,  twelve  for  the  crew  and  twelve 
for  the  new  settlement. 

On  the  1 6th  of  March  they  ran  into  another  storm, 
of  such  violence  that  they  were  forced  to  strike  their 


268         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

topgallant  masts  and  scud  under  double-reefed  foresail. 
As  they  were  nearing  the  coast,  the  ship  was  hove  to  at 
night.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  22nd  of  March, 
they  sighted  land,  one  hundred  and  ninety-five  days  and 
twenty  thousand  miles  from  Sandy  Hook.  The 
weather  was  still  very  severe,  the  wind  blowing  in  heavy 
squalls  and  the  sea  running  high,  and  the  captain  did 
not  think  it  prudent  to  approach  the  shore  nearer  than 
three  miles.  His  navigation  had  been  excellent,  how- 
ever, for  before  them  lay  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
River,  the  object  of  their  long  voyage.  They  could  see 
the  waves  breaking  over  the  bar  with  tremendous 
force  as  they  beat  to  and  fro  along  the  coast. 

Thorn,  ignorant  of  the  channel,  did  not  dare  take  the 
\  ship  in  under  such  conditions.  He  therefore  ordered 
First-Mate  Ebenezer  Fox  to  take  Sailmaker  Martin 
and  three  Canadians  into  a  boat  and  find  the  channel. 
It  was  a  hazardous  undertaking,  and  the  despatch  of 
the  small  boat  under  such  circumstances  was  a  serious 
error  in  judgment. 

There  had  been  bad  blood  between  the  captain  and 
the  mate,  and  Fox  did  not  wish  to  go.  If  he  had  to  go, 
he  begged  that  his  boat  might  be  manned  with  seamen 
instead  of  Canadians.  The  captain  refused  to  change 
his  orders.  Fox  appealed  to  the  partners.  They 
I  remonstrated  with  the  captain,  but  they  could  not  alter 
his  determination.  The  boat  was  pulled  away  and 
was  lost  to  sight  in  the  breakers.  Neither  the  boat 
nor  any  member  of  the  crew  was  ever  seen  or  heard  of 
again.  The  boat  was  ill-found  and  ill-manned.  She 
was  undoubtedly  caught  in  the  breakers  and  foundered. 

The  next  day  the  wind  increased  in  violence,  and 
they  cruised  off  the  shore  looking  for  the  boat.  Every 
one  on  board,  including  the  captain,  stern  and  ruth- 


The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin         269 

less  though  he  was,  was  very  much  disturbed  at  her 
loss. 

On  the  24th  the  weather  moderated  somewhat,  and 
running  nearer  to  the  shore,  they  anchored  just  out- 
side Cape  Disappointment,  near  the  north  shore  of  the 
river  mouth.  The  wind  subsiding,  Mumford,  the  sec- 
ond mate,  with  another  boat,  was  sent  to  search  for  the 
passage,  but  finding  the  surf  still  too  heavy,  he  returned 
about  noon,  after  a  terrible  struggle  with  the  breakers. 

In  the  afternoon  McKay  and  Stuart  offered  to  take 
a  boat  and  try  to  get  ashore  to  seek  for  Fox  and  the 
missing  men.  They  made  the  endeavor,  but  did  not 
succeed  in  passing  the  breakers,  and  returned  to  the 
ship.  Later  in  the  afternoon  a  gentle  breeze  sprang 
up  from  the  west,  blowing  into  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
and  Thorn  determined  to  try  and  cross  the  bar.  He 
weighed  anchor,  therefore,  and  bore  down  under  easy 
sail  for  the  entrance  of  the  river.  As  he  came  close 
to  the  breakers  he  hove  to  and  sent  out  another  boat, 
in  charge  of  Aitkin,  a  Scottish  seaman,  accompanied 
by  Sailmaker  Coles,  Armorer  Weeks  and  two  Sand- 
wich Islanders. 

The  breakers  were  not  quite  so  rough  as  they  had 
been,  and  Aitkin  proceeded  cautiously  some  distance 
in  front  of  the  ship,  making  soundings  and  finding  no 
depth  less  than  four  fathoms.  In  obedience  to  his 
signals,  the  ship  came  bowling  on,  and  the  fitful  breeze 
suddenly  freshening,  she  ran  through  the  breakers, 
passing  Aitkin's  boat  to  starboard  in  pistol-shot  dis- 
tance. Signals  were  made  for  the  boat  to  return,  but 
the  tide  had  turned,  and  the  strong  ebb,  with  the  cur- 
rent of  the  river,  bore  the  boat  into  the  breakers  in  spite 
of  all  her  crew  could  do.  While  they  were  watching  the 
boat,  over  which  the  waves  were  seen  breaking  furiously, 


270         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

the  ship,  the  wind  failing,  was  driven  seaward  by  the 
tide,  and  struck  six  or  seven  times  on  the  bar.  The 
breakers,  running  frightfully  high,  swept  over  her  decks 
again  and  again.  Nothing  could  be  done  for  the  boat 
by  the  ship,  their  own  condition  being  so  serious  as  to 
demand  all  their  efforts. 

Thorn  at  last  extricated  the  Tonquin  from  her  pre- 
dicament. The  wind  favored  her  again,  and  she  got 
over  the  bar  and  through  the  breakers,  anchoring  at 
nightfall  in  seven  fathoms  of  water.  The  night  was 
very  dark.  The  ebb  and  current  threatened  to  sweep 
the  ship  on  the  shore.  Both  anchors  were  carried  out. 
Still  the  holding  was  inadequate  and  the  ship's  position 
grew  more  dangerous.  They  passed  some  anxious  hours 
until  the  turn  of  the  tide,  when  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
it  was  pitch  dark,  they  weighed  anchor,  made  sail, 
and  succeeded  in  finding  a  safe  haven  under  the  lee  of 
Cape  Disappointment,  in  a  place  called  Baker's  Bay. 
The  next  day  the  captain  and  some  of  the  partners 
landed  in  the  morning  to  see  if  they  could  find  the  miss- 
ing party.  As  they  were  wandering  aimlessly  upon  the 
shore,  they  came  across  Weeks,  exhausted  and  almost 
naked. 

He  had  a  sad  story  to  tell.  The  boat  had  capsized 
in  the  breakers  and  his  two  white  companions  had 
been  drowned.  He  and  the  Kanakas  had  succeeded 
in  righting  the  boat  and  clambering  into  her.  By 
some  fortunate  chance  they  were  tossed  outside  the 
breakers  and  into  calmer  waters.  The  boat  was 
bailed  out,  and  the  next  morning  Weeks  sculled  her 
ashore  with  the  one  remaining  oar.  One  of  the 
Sandwich  Islanders  was  so  severely  injured  that  he 
died  in  the  boat,  and  the  other  was  probably  dying 
from    exposure.     The    relief   party    prosecuted    their 


The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin         271 

search  for  the  Kanaka  and  found  him  the  next  day 
almost  dead. 

The  loss  of  these  eight  men  and  these  two  boats  was 
a  serious  blow  to  so  small  an  expedition,  but  there  was 
nothing  to  be  done  about  it,  and  the  work  of  selecting 
a  permanent  location  for  the  trading-post  on  the  south 
shore,  unloading  the  cargo,  and  building  the  fort  was 
rapidly  carried  on,  although  not  without  the  usual 
quarrels  between  captain  and  men.  After  landing 
the  company,  Thorn  had  been  directed  by  Mr.  Astor 
to  take  the  Tonquin  up  the  coast  to  gather  a  load  of 
furs.  He  was  to  touch  at  the  settlement  which  they 
had  named  Astoria,  on  his  way  back,  and  take  on  board 
what  furs  the  partners  had  been  able  to  procure  and 
bring  them  back  to  New  York.  Thorn  was  anxious 
to  get  away,  and  on  the  1st  of  June,  having  finished 
the  unloading  of  the  ship,  and  having  seen  the  build- 
ings approaching  completion,  accompanied  by  McKay 
as  supercargo,  and  James  Lewis  of  New  York,  as  clerk, 
he  started  on  his  trading  voyage. 

That  was  the  last  that  anybody  ever  saw  of  Thorn  or 
the  Tonquin  and  her  men.  Several  months  after  her 
departure  a  Chehalis  Indian,  named  Lamanse,  wan- 
dered into  Astoria  with  a  terrible  story  of  an  appalling 
disaster.  The  Tonquin  made  her  way  up  the  coast, 
Thorn  buying  furs  as  he  could.  At  one  of  her  stops 
at  Gray's  Harbour,  this  Indian  was  engaged  as  inter-  -V 
preter.  About  the  middle  of  June,  the  Tonquin 
entered  Nootka  Sound,  an  ocean  estuary  between 
Nootka  and  Vancouver  Islands,  about  midway  of  the 
western  shore  of  the  latter.  There  she  anchored  before 
a  large  Nootka  Indian  village,  called  Newity. 

The  place  was  even  then  not  unknown  to  history. 
The  Nootkas  were  a  fierce  and  savage  race.     A  few 


272         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

years  before  the  advent  of  the  Tonquin,  the  American 
ship  Boston,  Captain  Slater,  was  trading  in  Nootka 
Sound.  The  captain  had  grievously  insulted  a  native 
chieftain.  The  ship  had  been  surprised,  every  mem- 
ber of  her  crew  except  two  murdered,  and  the  ship 
burned.  These  two  had  been  wounded  and  captured, 
but  when  it  was  learned  that  one  was  a  gunsmith  and 
armorer,  their  lives  were  preserved  and  they  had 
been  made  slaves,  escaping  long  after. 

Every  ship  which  entered  the  Sound  thereafter  did 
so  with  the  full  knowledge  of  the  savage  and  treacherous 
nature  of  the  Indians,  and  the  trading  was  carried  on 
with  the  utmost  circumspection.  There  had  been  no 
violent  catastrophes  for  several  years,  until  another 
ship  Boston  made  further  trouble.  Her  captain  had 
shipped  twelve  Indian  hunters,  promising  to  return 
them  to  their  people  on  Nootka  Sound  when  he  was 
finished  with  them.  Instead  of  bringing  them  back, 
he  marooned  them  on  a  barren  coast  hundreds  of  miles 
away  from  their  destination.  When  they  heard  of  his 
cruel  action,  the  Nootkas  swore  to  be  revenged  on  the 
next  ship  that  entered  the  Sound.  The  next  ship  hap- 
pened to  be  the  ill-fated  Tonquin. 

Now,  no  Indians  that  ever  lived  could  seize  a  ship  like 
the  Tonquin  if  proper  precautions  were  taken  by  her 
crew.  Mr.  Astor,  knowing  the  record  of  the  bleak  north- 
western shores, had  especially  cautioned  Thorn  that  con- 
stant watchfulness  should  be  exercised  in  trading. 
Thorn  felt  the  serenest  contempt  for  the  Indians,  and 
took  no  precautions  of  any  sort.  Indeed,  the  demeanor 
of  the  savages  lulled  even  the  suspicions  of  McKay,  who 
had  had  a  wide  experience  with  the  aborigines.  McKay 
even  went  ashore  at  the  invitation  of  one  of  the  chiefs 
and  spent  the  first  night  of  his  arrival  in  his   lodge. 


The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin         273 

The  next  day  the  Indians  came  aboard  to  trade. 
They  asked  exorbitant  prices  for  their  skins,  and 
conducted  themselves  in  a  very  obnoxious  way.  Thorn 
was  not  a  trader;  he  was  a  sailor.  He  offered  them 
what  he  considered  a  fair  price,  and  if  that  was  not 
satisfactory,  why,  the  vendor  could  go  hang,  for  all 
he  cared.  One  old  chief  was  especially  persistent  and 
offensive  in  his  bargaining  for  a  high  price.  He  fol- 
lowed Thorn  back  and  forth  on  the  deck,  thrusting 
a  roll  of  skins  in  front  of  him,  until  the  irascible  captain 
at  last  lost  the  little  control  of  his  temper  he  ordinarily 
retained.  He  suddenly  grabbed  the  skins  and  shoved 
them  —  not  to  say  rubbed  them  —  in  the  face  of  the 
indignant  and  astonished  Indian.  Then  he  took  the 
Indian  by  the  back  of  the  neck  and  summarily  rushed 
him  along  the  deck  to  the  gangway.  It  is  more  than 
likely  that  he  assisted  him  in  his  progress  by  kicking 
him  overboard. 

The  other  Indians  left  the  ship  immediately.  The 
interpreter  warned  McKay  that  they  would  never  for- 
give such  an  insult,  and  McKay  remonstrated  with  the 
captain.  His  remonstrances  were  laughed  to  scorn, 
as  usual.  Not  a  precaution  was  taken.  Ships  trading 
in  these  latitudes  usually  triced  up  boarding  nettings 
fore  and  aft  to  prevent  savages  from  swarming  over  the 
bulwarks  without  warning.  Thorn  refused  to  order 
these  nettings  put  in  position.  McKay  did  not  think 
it  prudent  to  go  on  shore  that  night. 

Early  the  next  morning  a  large  canoe  containing  some 
twenty  Indians,  all  unarmed,  came  off  to  the  ship. 
Each  Indian  held  up  a  bundle  of  furs  and  signified  his 
desire  to  trade.  Thorn  in  great  triumph  admitted 
them  to  the  ship,  the  furs  were  brought  on  deck,  and 
bargaining  began.     There  was  no  evidence  of  resent- 


274         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

ment  about  any  of  them.  Their  demeanor  was 
entirely  different  from  what  it  had  been  the  night  before. 
On  this  occasion  the  Indians  were  willing  to  let  the 
white  men  put  any  value  they  pleased  on  the  furs. 

While  they  were  busily  buying  and  selling,  another 
party  of  unarmed  Indians  made  their  appearance 
alongside.  They  were  succeeded  by  a  second,  a  third, 
a  fourth,  and  others,  all  of  whom  were  welcome  to  the 
ship.  Soon  the  deck  was  crowded  with  Indians  eager 
to  barter.  Most  of  them  wanted  hunting  or  butcher 
knives  in  return,  and  by  this  means,  no  one  suspecting 
anything,  nearly  every  one  of  the  savages  became 
possessed  of  a  formidable  weapon  for  close-quarter 
fighting.  McKay  and  Thorn  appeared  to  have  gone 
below  temporarily,  perhaps  to  break  out  more  goods 
to  exchange  for  furs,  when  the  Indian  interpreter 
became  convinced  that  treachery  was  intended.  Who- 
ever was  in  charge  at  the  time  —  perhaps  Lewis  — 
at  the  interpreter's  instance,  sent  word  to  the  captain, 
and  he  McKay  came  on  deck  at  once. 

The  ship  was  filled  with  a  mob  of  Indians,  whose 
gentle  and  pleasant  aspect  had  given  way  to  one  of 
scowling  displeasure  and  menace.  The  situation  was 
serious.  McKay  suggested  that  the  ship  be  got  under 
way  at  once.  The  captain  for  the  first  time  agreed 
with  him.  Orders  were  given  to  man  the  capstan,  and 
five  of  the  seamen  were  sent  aloft  to  loose  sail.  The 
wind  was  strong,  and  happened  to  be  blowing  in  the 
right  direction.  With  singular  fatuity  none  of  the 
officers  or  seamen  were  armed,  although  the  ship  was 
well  provided  with  weapons.  As  the  cable  slowly 
came  in  through  the  hawse-pipe,  and  the  loosed  sails 
fell  from  the  yards,  Thorn,  through  the  interpreter, 
told  the  Indians  that  he  was  about  to  sail  away,  and 


The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin         275 

peremptorily  directed  them  to  leave  the  ship.  Indeed, 
the  movements  of  the  sailors  made  his  intentions  plain. 
It  was  too  late.  There  was  a  sharp  cry  — a  signal 
—  from  the  chief,  and  without  a  moment's  hesitation 
the  Indians  fell  upon  the  unprepared  and  astonished 
crew.  Some  of  the  savages  hauled  out  war-clubs 
and  tomahawks  which  had  been  concealed  in  bundles 
of  fur;  others  made  use  of  the  knives  just  purchased. 
Lewis  was  the  first  man  struck  down.  He  was  mor- 
tally wounded,  but  succeeded  in  the  subsequent  con- 
fusion, in  gaining  the  steerage.  McKay  was  seriously 
injured  and  thrown  overboard.  In  the  boats  surround- 
ing the  ships  were  a  number  of  women,  and  they  des- 
patched the  unfortunate  partner  with  their  paddles. 
The  captain  whipped  out  a  sailor's  sheath  knife  which 
he  wore,  and  made  a  desperate  fight  for  his  life.  The 
sailors  also  drew  their  knives  or  caught  up  belaying- 
pins  or  handspikes,  and  laid  about  them  with  the  energy 
of  despair,  but  to  no  avail.  They  were  cut  down  in 
spite  of  every  endeavor.  The  captain  killed  several 
of  the  Indians  with  his  knife,  and  was  the  last  to  fall, 
overborne  in  the  end  by  numbers.  He  was  hacked 
and  stabbed  to  death  on  his  own  deck. 

The  five  sailors  aloft  had  been  terrified  and  helpless 
witnesses  to  the  massacre  beneath  them.  That  they 
must  do  something  for  their  own  lives  they  now  realized. 
Making  their  way  aft  by  means  of  the  rigging,  they 
swung  themselves  to  the  deck  and  dashed  for  the 
steerage  hatch.  The  attention  of  the  savages  had  been 
diverted  from  them  by  the  melee  on  deck.  The  five 
men  gained  the  hatch,  the  last  man  down,  Weeks 
the  armorer  being  stabbed  and  mortally  wounded, 
although  he,  too,  gained  the  hatch.  At  this  juncture  the 
Indian  interpreter,  who  had  not  been  molested,  sprang 


276         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

overboard,  and  was  taken  into  one  of  the  canoes  and 
concealed  by  the  women.  His  life  was  spared,  and  he 
was  afterward  made  a  slave,  and  eventually  escaped. 
The  four  unhurt  men  who  had  gained  the  steerage, 
broke  through  into  the  cabin,  armed  themselves,  and 
made  their  way  to  the  captain's  cabin,  whence  they 
opened  fire  upon  the  savages  on  deck.  The  Indians 
fled  instantly,  leaving  many  of  their  dead  aboard  the 
ship.  The  decks  of  the  Tonquin  had  been  turned 
into  shambles. 

The  next  morning  the  natives  saw  a  boat  with  four 
sailors  in  it  pulling  away  from  the  ship.  They 
cautiously  approached  the  Tonquin  thereupon,  and 
discovered  one  man,  evidently  badly  wounded,  leaning 
over  the  rail.  When  they  gained  the  deck,  he  was  no 
longer  visible.  No  immediate  search  appears  to  have 
been  made  for  him,  but  finding  the  ship  practically 
deserted,  a  great  number  of  Indians  came  off  in  their 
canoes  and  got  aboard.  They  were  making  pre- 
parations to  search  and  pillage  the  ship,  when  there  was 
a  terrific  explosion,  and  the  ill-fated  Tonquin  blew  up 
with  all  on  board.  In  her  ending  she  carried  sudden 
destruction  to  over  two  hundred  of  the  Indians. 

It  is  surmised  that  the  four  unwounded  men  left  on 
the  ship  realized  their  inability  to  carry  the  Tonquin 
to  sea,  and  determined  to  take  to  the  boat  in  the  hope 
of  reaching  Astoria  by  coasting  down  the  shore.  It  is 
possible  that  they  may  have  laid  a  train  to  the  magazine 
—  the  Tonquin  carried  four  and  a  half  tons  of  powder  — 
but  it  is  generally  believed,  as  a  more  probable  story, 
on  account  of  the  time  that  elapsed  between  their  depar- 
ture and  the  blowing  up  of  the  ship,  that  Lewis,  who 
was  yet  alive  in  spite  of  his  mortal  wounds,  and  who  was 
a  man  of  splendid  resolution  and  courage  as  well,  real- 


The  Cruise  of  the  Tonquin         277 

izing  that  he  could  not  escape  death,  remained  on  board; 
and  when  the  vessel  was  crowded  with  Indians  had 
revenged  himself  for  the  loss  of  his  comrades  by  firing 
the  magazine  and  blowing  up  the  ship.  Again,  it  is 
possible  that  Lewis  may  have  died,  and  that  Weeks, 
the  armorer,  the  other  wounded  man,  made  himself 
the  instrument  of  his  own  and  the  Indians'  destruction. 
To  complete  the  story,  the  four  men  who  had  escaped 
in  the  boats  were  pursued,  driven  ashore,  and  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  implacable  Indians.  They  were  tor- 
tured to  death. 

Such  was  the  melancholy  fate  which  attended  some 
of  the  participants  in  the  first  settlement  of  what  is 
now  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  populous  sections 
of  the  Union. 


Part  II 
OTHER  TALES  OF  ADVENTURE 

IV 
John  Paul  Jones 


John  Paul  Jones 

Being  Further  Light  on  His  Strange  Career* 

ONE  hundred  and  eighteen  years  ago  a  little 
man  who  had  attracted  the  attention  of 
two  continents,  and  who,  in  his  com- 
paratively brief  career  of  forty-five  years,  had  won 
eternal  fame  for  himself  among  the  heroes  of  the 
world,  died  in  Paris,  alone  in  his  room.  He  had 
been  ill  for  some  time,  and  his  physician,  calling 
late  in  the  evening,  found  him  prone  upon  his  bed, 
sleeping  a  sleep  from  which  no  call  to  battle  would 
ever  arouse  him.  Like  Warren  Hastings,  John  Paul 
Jones  was  at  rest  at  last;  "in  peace  after  so  many 
storms,  in  honor  after  so  much  obliquy." 

He  was  buried  in  a  Protestant  cemetery  in  Paris, 
which  was  officially  closed  in  January,  1793.  The 
exact  location  of  his  grave  there  was  forgotten.  For 
many  years  even  the  fact  that  he  was  buried  there  was 
forgotten.  The  other  day  the  cable  flashed  a  message 
which  gladdened  every  American  heart.  Under  the 
inspiration,  and  at  the  personal  charges,  of  General 
Horace  Porter,  United  States  Ambassador  to  France, 

*  My  reason  for  including  in  this  volume  a  paper  on  this  great  sailor  whose  career 
has  already  been  discussed  in  "Revolutionary  Fights  and  Fighters"  (q.  v.)  is  because 
this  present  article  contains  a  new  and  original  contribution  to  history,  never  before 
published  in  book  form,  which  absolutely  and  finally  settles  one  phase  of  the  much 
mooted  question  as  to  why  John  Paul  assumed  the  surname  Jones,  as  will  be  seen 
hereafter. 

281 


282         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

a  search  had  been  instigated  and  the  body  was  found 
and  completely  identified.  It  is  a  service  of  sentiment 
that  General  Porter  has  rendered  us,  but  not  the  less 
valuable  on  that  account.  To  love  the  hero,  to  recall 
the  heroic  past,  is  good  for  the  future.  The  remains 
of  the  great  captain  came  back  to  the  United 
States.  On  the  decks  of  such  a  battleship  as  even  his 
genius  never  dreamed  of,  surrounded  by  a  squadron 
that  could  have  put  to  flight  all  the  sea-fighters  of  the 
world  before  the  age  of  steam  and  steel,  the  body  of 
the  little  commodore  was  brought  back  to  his 
adopted  country  to  repose  on  the  soil  of  the  land  he 
loved,  for  whose  liberty  he  fought,  whose  honor  he 
maintained  in  battle;  and  a  suitable  monument  is 
to  be  raised  by  our  people  to  commemorate  his  services, 
to  inspire  like  conduct  in  years  to  come. 

Commodore  John  Paul  Jones,  the  first  of  the  great 
American  fighters,  and  not  the  least  splendid  in  the 
long  line,  was  born  of  humble  origin  in  a  southern 
county  of  Scotland.  His  family  was  obscure,  his 
circumstances  narrow,  his  advantages  meagre,  his 
opportunities  limited.  At  the  age  of  twelve  he  became 
a  sailor.  Genius  rose,  superior  to  adverse  circum- 
stances, however,  and  before  he  died  he  was  one  of 
the  most  accomplished  officers  who  ever  served  the 
United  States.  The  greatest  men  of  America  and 
France  took  pleasure  in  his  society  and  were  proud  of 
his  friendship. 

He  progressed  rapidly  in  his  chosen  career.  At 
nineteen  he  was  chief  mate  of  a  slaver,  a  legitimate 
occupation  in  his  day  but  one  that  filled  him  with 
disgust.  At  twenty-one  he  was  captain  of  a  trader. 
In  1773  he  came  to  America,  forsook  the  sea  and 
settled  in  Virginia. 


John  Paul  Jones  283 

I.     The  Birth  of  the  American  Navy 

He  was  still  poor  and  still  obscure  when  on  Decem- 
ber 7,  1775,  he  was  appointed  a  lieutenant  in  the  new 
Continental  Navy.  In  that  capacity  he  was  ordered 
to  the  Alfred,  2l  small  converted  merchantman,  the 
flagship  of  Commodore  Hopkins.  He  joined  the  ship 
immediately,  and  in  the  latter  part  of  December  he 
had  the  honor  of  hoisting  with  his  own  hands  the 
first  naval  flag  of  an  American  squadron.  This  was 
the  famous  yellow  silk  banner  with  a  rattlesnake  and 
perhaps  a  pine  tree  emblazoned  upon  it,  and  with 
the    significant  legend,  "Don't  tread  on  me!" 

Hopkins  made  an  abortive  expedition  to  New 
Providence,  in  which  Jones  had  but  one  opportunity 
to  distinguish  himself.  At  the  peril  of  his  commission, 
when  the  regular  pilots  refused  to  do  so,  he  volun- 
teered to  take  the  Alfred  through  a  difficult  and  danger- 
ous channel.  Needless  to  say,  he  succeeded  —  he 
always  succeeded! 

His  first  independent  command  was  the  little 
schooner  Providence,  of  seventy  men  and  twelve  four- 
pound  guns.  In  the  Fall  of  1775  he  made  a  notable 
cruise  in  this  schooner;  he  skirmished  with,  and 
escaped  from,  by  seamanship  and  daring,  two  heavy 
frigates,  the  Solebay  and  the  Milford',  in  four  months 
he  captured  sixteen  vessels,  eight  of  which  were  sent 
in  as  prizes,  five  burned,  three  returned  to  certain 
poor  fishermen;  and  he  destroyed  property  aggre- 
gating a  million  dollars. 

Later,  in  command  of  the  Alfred,  with  a  short  crew 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty,  when  he  should  have  had 
three  hundred,   he   made   another   brilliant  cruise  in 


284         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

which  he  burned  several  British  transports,  captured 
one  store-ship,  laden  to  the  gunwales  with  priceless 
munitions  of  war  and  supplies,  cut  out  three  of  the 
supply  fleet  from  under  the  guns  of  the  Flora  frigate, 
and  had  another  smart  brush  with  the  Miljord. 

II.     Jones  First  Hoists  the  Stars  and  Stripes 

Commissioned  captain  on  the  14th  of  June,  1777, 
in  the  same  resolution  which  established  an  American 
flag,  he  was  ordered  to  the  Ranger,  a  little  ship-rigged 
corvette  of  three  hundred  tons.  In  her,  on  the  4th 
of  July  of  the  same  year,  he  hoisted  the  first  stars  and 
stripes  that  had  ever  waved  over  a  ship-of-war.  In 
Quiberon  Bay  —  famous  as  one  of  the  battle-grounds 
of  the  world  —  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  of  February, 
1778,  in  the  Ranger,  he  received  the  first  formal  recog- 
nition ever  given  by  a  foreign  fleet  to  the  United  States 
in  a  salute  to  the  American  flag.  As  it  was  after  sun- 
set when  the  salutes  were  exchanged,  and  in  order  that 
there  should  be  no  mistake  about  it,  the  next  morning, 
the  15th  of  February,  Jones  transferred  his  flag  to  the 
Independence,  a  small  privateer,  and  deliberately 
sailed  through  La  Motte  Picquet's  great  fleet  of  tower- 
ing line-of-battle-ships,  saluting  and  receiving  salutes 
again. 

Still  on  the  Ranger,  on  the  24th  of  April,  he  fought 
the  British  sloop-of-war  Drake,  of  equal  force  and 
larger  crew,  to  a  standstill  in  an  hour  and  five  minutes. 
When  the  Drake  struck  her  flag,  her  rigging,  sails  and 
spars  were  cut  to  pieces.  She  had  forty-two  killed 
and  wounded  —  more  than  one-fifth  of  her  crew  — 
and  was  completely  helpless.  The  Ranger  lost  two 
killed  and  six  wounded. 


John  Paul  Jones  285 

In  1779  Jones  hoisted  his  flag  on  the  Due  de  Duras, 
a  condemned  East  Indiaman,  which  would  have  been 
broken  up  had  he  not  turned  her  into  a  makeshift 
frigate  by  mounting  forty  guns  in  her  batteries  — 
fourteen  twelve-pounders,  twenty  nines  and  six  eigh- 
teens.  This,  in  honor  of  Franklin,  he  named  the 
Bonhomme  Richard.  Accompanied  by  the  fine  little 
American-built  frigate  Alliance  and  the  French  ship 
Pallas,  with  the  brig  Vengeance,  and  the  cutter  Cerf, 
he  cruised  around  England,  taking  several  prizes,  and 
striking  terror  all  along  the  shore. 

III.     The    Battle   With    the    Serapis 

On  the  evening  of  the  23rd  of  September  he  fell  in 
with  the  Baltic  convoy.  He  was  accompanied  at  the 
time  by  the  Alliance  and  the  Pallas.  The  Baltic 
convoy  was  protected  by  the  Serapis  and  the  Scar- 
borough. The  Serapis  was  a  brand-new,  double- 
banked  frigate  of  eight  hundred  tons,  carrying  twenty 
eighteen-pounders,  twenty  nines  and  ten  sixes.  Inas- 
much as  the  eighteen-pounders  on  the  Richard  burst 
and  were  abandoned  after  the  first  fire,  the  Serapis 
could  and  did  discharge  nearly  twice  as  many  pounds' 
weight  of  broadside  as  the  Richard,  say  three  hundred 
pounds  to  one  hundred  and  seventy-five.  The  Pallas 
grappled  with  the  Scarborough  —  a  more  equal  match 
—  and  Jones  attacked  the  Serapis,  which  was  not 
unwilling  —  quite  the  contrary  —  for  the  fight. 

The  battle  was  one  of  the  most  memorable  and 
desperate  ever  fought  upon  the  ocean.  The  Richard 
was  riddled  like  a  sieve.  Her  rotten  sides  were  literally 
blown  out  to  starboard  and  port  by  the  heavy  batteries 
of  the  Serapis.     Jones  had  several  hundred  English 


286         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

prisoners  on  board.  The  master-at-arms  released 
them,  but,  with  great  readiness  and  presence  of  mind, 
Jones  sent  them  to  the  pumps,  while  he  continued  to 
fight  the  English  frigate,  his  own  ship  kept  afloat  by 
their  efforts. 

Captain  Pearson,  of  the  Serapis,  was  as  brave  a 
man  as  ever  drew  a  sword,  but  he  was  no  match  for 
the  indomitable  personality  of  the  American  com- 
mander. After  several  hours  of  such  fighting  as  had 
scarcely  been  seen  before  on  the  narrow  seas,  he  struck 
his  flag.  The  Alliance,  accompanied  by  a  jealous  and 
incapable  Frenchman,  had  contributed  nothing  to 
Jones's  success.  Indeed,  she  had  twice  poured  her 
broadsides  into  the  Richard.  The  American  vessel 
was  so  wrecked  below  and  aloft  that  she  sank  along- 
side, and  Jones  had  to  transfer  the  survivors  of  his 
crew  to  the  English  frigate.  The  aggregate  of  the 
two  crews  was  nearly  seven  hundred,  of  which  about 
three  hundred  and  fifty  were  killed  or  wounded. 

It  is  the  greatest  pity  that  the  poverty  of  America 
did  not  permit  Jones  to  get  to  sea  in  a  proper  frigate, 
or  in  a  ship  of  the  line,  before  the  close  of  the  war. 
After  the  Revolution,  in  which  he  had  borne  so  con- 
spicuous a  part,  so  much  so  that  his  exploits  had 
electrified  both  continents,  he  took  service  under 
Catherine  of  Russia,  carefully  reserving  his  American 
citizenship.  In  her  service  he  fought  four  brilliant 
actions  in  the  Black  Sea,  in  which  he  had  to  contend 
with  the  usual  discouragement  of  indifferent  personnel 
and  wretched  material,  and  in  which  he  displayed  all 
his  old-time  qualities,  winning  his  usual  successes,  too. 

Worn  out  in  unrequited  service,  disgusted  with 
Russian  court  intrigues  of  which  he  was  the  victim, 
resentful  of  the  infamous  Potemkin's  brutal  attempts 


John  Paul  Jones  287 

at  coercion,  he  asked  leave  of  absence  from  Catherine's 
service  and  went  to  Paris,  where,  in  the  companion- 
ship of  his  friends,  and  in  the  society  of  the  beautiful 
Aimee  de  Telison,  the  one  woman  he  loved,  he  lived 
two  years  and  died  at  the  age  of  forty-five. 

IV.     A  Hero's  Famous  Sayings 

Besides  the  memory  of  his  battles,  Paul  Jones  left 
a  collection  of  immortal  sayings,  which  are  the  heritage 
of  the  American  Navy  and  the  admiration  of  brave 
men  the  world  over.  When  the  monument  which  is 
to  be  erected  shall  be  ready  for  inscriptions,  these  may 
with  propriety  be  carved  upon  it: 

"I  do  not  wish  to  have  command  of  any  ship  that  does 
not  sail  fast,  for  I  intend  to  go  in  harm's  way!"  Brave 
little  captain. 

"/  have  ever  looked  out  for  the  honor  of  the  American 
flag!"     It  is  the  truth  itself. 

"/  can  never  renounce  the  glorious  title  of  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States!"  The  title  was  one  which  Paul 
Jones  signally  honored. 

Last,  but  not  least,  that  curt  phrase  which  comes 
ringing  through  the  centuries  like  a  trumpet  call  to 
battle;  the  words  with  which  he  replied  to  the  demand 
of  the  astonished  Pearson,  who  saw  his  enemy's  ship 
beaten  to  a  pulp,  and  wondered  why  he  did  not  yield: 

"/  have  not  yet  begun  to  fight!" 

That  was  the  finest  phrase,  under  the  circumstances, 
that  ever  came  from  the  lips  of  an  American  sailor.  "  It 
was  no  new  message.  The  British  had  heard  it  as  they 
tramped  again  and  again  up  the  bullet-swept  slopes 
of  Bunker  Hill;  Washington  rang  it  in  the  ears  of 
the    Hessians   on   the   snowy   Christmas   morning   at 


288         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

Trenton;  the  hoof-beats  of  Arnold's  horse  kept  time 
to  it  in  the  wild  charge  at  Saratoga;  it  cracked  with 
the  whip  of  the  old  wagoner  Morgan  at  the  Cowpens; 
the  Maryland  troops  drove  it  home  in  the  hearts  of 
their  enemies  with  Greene  at  Guilford  Court  House; 
and  the  drums  of  France  and  America  beat  it  into 
Cornwallis's  ears  when  the  end  came  at  Yorktown. 
There,  that  night,  in  that  darkness,  in  that  still  moment 
of  battle,  Paul  Jones  declared  the  determination  of  a 
great  people.  His  was  the  expression  of  an  inspira- 
tion on  the  part  of  a  new  nation.  From  this  man  came 
a  statement  of  our  unshakeable  determination,  at 
whatever  cost,  to  be  free!  A  new  Declaration  of 
Independence,  this  famous  word  of  warning  to  the 
brave  sailor  of  the  British  king." 

V.     What  Jones  Did  for  His  Country 

Never  in  his  long  career  did  Jones  have  a  decent 
ship  or  a  respectable  crew.  His  materials  were  always 
of  the  very  poorest.  His  officers,  with  the  exception 
of  Richard  Dale,  were  but  little  to  boast  of.  What 
he  accomplished,  he  accomplished  by  the  exercise  of 
his  own  indomitable  will,  his  serene  courage,  his  match- 
less skill  as  a  sailor,  and  his  devotion  to  the  cause  he 
had  espoused.  After  his  death,  among  his  papers,  the 
following  little  memorandum,  written  in  his  own  hand, 
was  found: 

"In  1775,  J.  Paul  Jones  armed  and  embarked  in  the 
first  American  ship  of  war.  In  the  Revolution  he  had 
twenty-three  battles  and  solemn  rencontres  by  sea; 
made  seven  descents  in  Britain,  and  her  colonies;  took  of 
her  navy  two  ships  of  equal,  and  two  of  superior  force, 
many    store-ships,    and    others;  constrained    her    to 


John  Paul  Jones  289 

fortify  her  ports;  suffer  the  Irish  Volunteers;  desist 
from  her  cruel  burnings  in  America  and  exchange,  as 
prisoners  of  war,  the  American  citizens  taken  on  the 
ocean,  and  cast  into  prisons  of  England,  as  'traitors, 
pirates,    and    felons  V" 

Indeed  a  truthful  and  a  brilliant  record. 

Paul  Jones  was  accused  of  being  a  pirate.  The 
charge  was  a  long  time  dying,  but  it  is  to-day  generally 
disavowed.  When  recently  his  bones  were  returned  to 
American  shores,  may  we  not  believe  that  from  some 
valhalla  of  the  heroes,  where  the  mighty  men  of  the 
past  mingle  in  peace  and  amity,  he  saw  and  took 
pride  in  the  great  if  tardy  outpouring  of  our  fellow 
citizens  to  greet  this  first  sea-king  of  our  flag  ? 

Now,  this  story  of  the  magnificent  career  of  John 
Paul  Jones,  so  briefly  summarized,  has  been  often 
told,  and  its  details  are  familiar  to  every  schoolboy. 
There  is  one  mystery  connected  with  his  life,  however, 
which  has  not  yet  been  solved.  I  purpose  to  make 
here  an  original  contribution  toward  its  solution.  No 
one  knows  positively  —  it  is  probable  that  no  one  ever 
will  know,  why  John  Paul  assumed  the  name  of  Jones. 
Of  course  the  question  is  not  vital  to  Jones's  fame,  for 
from  whatever  reason  he  assumed  the  name  by  which 
he  is  remembered,  he  certainly  honored  it  most 
signally;  but  the  reason  for  the  assumption  is  never- 
theless of  deep  interest  to  all  lovers  of  history.  There 
have  been  two  explanations  of  this  action. 

VI.    Why  Did  He  Take  the  Name  of  Jones  ? 

Five  years  ago  two  biographies  of  Jones  appeared 
simultaneously.  One  I  had  the  honor  of  writing 
myself.     The  other  was  from  the  pen  of  that  gifted 


290         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

and  able  author,  the  late  Colonel  Augustus  C.  Buell. 
Our  accounts  were  in  singular  agreement,  save  in  one 
or  two  points,  and  our  conclusions  as  to  the  character 
of  Jones  in  absolute  harmony.  In  Colonel  Buell's 
book  he  put  forth  the  theory  —  which,  so  far  as  I 
know,  had  not  before  been  formulated  —  that  John  Paul 
assumed  the  name  of  Jones  in  testamentary  succession 
to  his  brother  William  Paul,  who  had  preceded  him  to 
America;  and  that  William  Paul  had  himself  taken 
the  name  in  testamentary  succession  to  one  William 
Jones,  a  childless  old  planter  of  Middlesex  County, 
Virginia,  who  bequeathed  to  the  said  William  Paul 
an  extensive  plantation  on  the  Rappahannock,  some 
nine  miles  below  Urbana,  at  a  place  called  Jones's 
Wharf,  on  condition  that  he  call  himself  Jones.  In 
1805  this  Jones  property  was  owned  by  members  of 
the  Taliaferro  family,  who  had  received  it  from  Archi- 
bald Frazier,  who  claimed  to  have  received  it  from 
John  Paul  Jones,  although  there  are  no  records  of 
transfer  extant. 

My  theory,  which  Colonel  Buell  facetiously  charac- 
terized —  doubtless  in  all  good  humor  —  as  "Tar-heel 
mythology,"  stated  that  John  Paul  assumed  the  name 
of  Jones  out  of  friendship  and  regard  for  the  justly 
celebrated  Jones  family  of  North  Carolina,  and  espe- 
cially for  Mrs.  Willie  Jones,  who  is  not  unknown  in 
history,  and  who  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and 
charming  women  of  the  colonies.  Members  of  this 
family  had  befriended  him  and  assisted  him  pecuniarily, 
and  had  extended  to  him  the  bounteous  hospitality 
of  the  famous  plantations,  Mount  Gallant  and  The 
Groves,  near  Halifax.  It  was  through  their  influence 
with  Congressman  Hewes  that  Jones  received  his 
commission  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  Continental  Navy. 


John  Paul  Jones  291 

In  further  explanation  it  was  suggested  that  on  cast- 
ing his  lot  with  the  rebellious  colonies  John  Paul,  who 
was  somewhat  erratic  as  well  as  romantic  and  impulsive, 
determined  to  take  a  new  name  and  begin  life  over 
again. 

Here  are  two  utterly  irreconcilable  theories.  I  at 
once  wrote  to  Colonel  Buell  asking  him  to  inform  me 
what  was  his  authority  for  his  statement.  I  quote, 
with  his  permission  given  me  before  his  lamented 
death,  from  several  letters  that  he  wrote  me: 

"My  first  authentic  information  on  the  subject  was 
from  a  gentleman  named  William  Louden,  whom  I  met 
in  St.  Louis  in  1873,  when  I  was  attached  to  the  Missouri 
Republican.  Mr.  Louden  was  a  great-grandson  of 
Mary  Paul  Louden,  sister  of  John  Paul  Jones.  He 
was  the  only  surviving  blood-relative  of  Paul  Jones 
in  this  country,  being  his  great-grandnephew.  He  told 
me  substantially  the  history  of  the  change  of  names  as 
related   in   my   first   volume. 

"Two  years  later  I  met  the  late  General  Taliaferro 
of  Virginia  in  Washington,  and  he  corroborated  the 
version,  together  with  the  history  of  the  Jones 
plantation.* 

"One  would  naturally  judge  that  the  great-grand- 
nephew  of  the  man  himself,  and  the  gentleman  who 
had  subsequently  owned  the  property,  ought  to  know 
something  about  the  antecedents  of  both  the  man  and 
the  land.  ...  I  doubt  whether  documentary 
evidence  —  such  as  would  be  admitted  in  court  —  can 
ever  be  found. " 

Colonel  Buell  also  called  my  attention  to  the  fact 

♦Of  which  he  (General  Taliaferro)  had  become  the  owner. 


292         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

that  in  none  of  Paul  Jones's  letters  to  Joseph  Hewes 
is  there  any  reference  to  the  North  Carolina  Jones 
family;  and  further,  that  Jones  and  Hewes  became 
acquainted  in  commerical  transactions  before  Jones 
settled  in  America. 

VII.    Search  for  Historical  Evidence 

In  an  attempt  to  settle  the  matter  I  wrote  to  all  the 
Virginia  county  clerks  on  both  sides  of  the  Rappa- 
hannock River,  asking  them  if  any  copy  of  the  will  of 
William  Paul,  or  that  of  William  Paul  Jones,  could  be 
found  in  their  records.  Most  of  these  Virginia  county 
records  were  destroyed  during  the  Civil  War.  By 
great  good  fortune,  however,  those  of  Spottsylvania 
County,  in  which  the  city  of  Fredericksburg  is 
situated,  were  preserved,  and  I  herewith  append  a 
copy  of  the  will  of  William  Paul,  in  which  he 
bequeathes  his  property,  making  no  mention  of  any 
plantation  and  no  mention  of  the  name  of  William 
Jones,  to  his  sister,  Mary  Young,  who  afterward 
married  Louden. 

"In  the  name  of  God,  Amen;  I,  William  Paul, 
of  the  town  of  Fredericksburg  and  County  of 
Spottsylvania  in  Virginia  —  being  in  perfect  sound 
memory,  thanks  be  to  Almighty  God,  and  knowing  it 
is  appointed  unto  all  men  to  die,  do  make  and  ordain 
this  my  last  Will  and  Testament  in  manner  and 
form  revoking  all  former  will  or  wills  by  me  herebe- 
fore  made. 

"  Principally  and  first  of  all,  I  recommend  my  soul  to 
Almighty  God  who  gave  it,  hoping  through  the  merits 
of  my  blessed  Saviour  and  Redeemer  Jesus  Christ  to 
find  Redemption,  and  as  to  touching  and  concerning 


John  Paul  Jones  293 

what  worldly  estate  it  has  pleased  God  to  bless  me  with, 
I  dispose  of  it  in  the  following  manner: 

"Item  —  It  is  my  will  and  desire  that  all  my  just  debts 
and  funeral  expenses  be  first  paid  by  my  Executors 
hereafter  named,  who  are  desired  to  bury  my  body  in  a 
decent,  Christian-like  manner. 

"Item  —  It  is  my  will  and  desire  that  my  Lots  and 
Houses  in  this  Town  be  sold  and  converted  into  money 
for  as  much  as  they  will  bring,  that  with  all  my  other 
estate  being  sold  and  what  of  my  out-standing  debts 
that  can  be  collected,  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my 
beloved  sister  Mary  Young,  and  her  two  eldest  children 
and  their  heirs  in  Arbiglon  in  Parish  of  Kirkbeen  in 
Stewartry  of  Galloway,  North  Brittain,  forever.  I 
do  hereby  empower  my  Executors  to  sell  and  convey 
the  said  land,  lots  and  houses  and  make  a  fee  simple 
therein,  as  I  could  or  might  do  in  my  proper  person, 
and  I  do  appoint  my  friends  Mr.  William  Templeman 
and  Isaac  Heislop  my  Executors  to  see  this  my  will 
executed,  confirming  this  to  be  my  last  will  and  testa- 
ment. In  Witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my 
hand  and  fixed  my  seal  as  my  last  act  and  deed  this 
22nd  day  of  March,  1772. 

"William  Paul     (Seal).'' 

"William  Paul  having  heard  the  above  will  dis- 
tinctly read,  declared  the  same  to  be  his  last  will  and 
testament  in  the  presence  of  us: 

"John  Atkinson, 
"Thomas  Holmes, 
"B.  Johnston." 

William  Paul  evidently  died  in  1774,  instead  of 
1773,  as  all  the  biographers  of  his  famous  brother 


294         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

have  it,  and  the  will  was  accordingly  probated,  as  will 
be  seen  from  the  following  transcript  of  the  court 
records: 

"At  a  Court  continued  and  held  for  Spottsylvania 
County,  December  the  16th,  1774. 

"The  Last  Will  and  Testament  of  William  Paul, 
deceased,  was  proved  by  the  oaths  of  John  Atkinson, 
a  witness  thereto,  and  ordered  to  be  certified,  and  the 
Executors  therein  named  refusing  to  take  upon  them- 
selves the  burden  of  the  execution  thereof,  on  the 
motion  of  John  Atkinson  who  made  oath  and  together 
with  John  Walker,  Jr.,  his  security,  entered  into 
and  acknowledged  their  bond  in  the  Penalty  of  Five 
hundred  Pounds  as  the  law  directs.  Certificate  is 
granted  him  for  obtaining  letter  of  administration  on 
the  said  decedent's  estate  with  his  will  aforesaid 
annexed  in  due  form.,, 

In  further  support  of  these  facts,  the  grave  of  William 
Paul  was  recently  discovered  in  St.  George's  church- 
yard, Fredericksburg,  and  his  tombstone  bears  the 
date  of  1774.  This  effectually  disposes  of  Colonel 
Buell's  contention.  For  whatever  reason  John  Paul 
assumed  the  name  of  Jones  it  was  not  in  testamentary 
succession  to  William  Paul;  for  William  Paul  kept  his 
inherited  surname  to  the  last. 

It  occurred  to  me  that  John  Paul  might  have  been 
empowered  to  represent  his  sister  in  the  settlement  of 
his  brother's  estate.  A  power-of-attorney  which  would 
have  enabled  him  to  attend  to  her  affairs  would  not 
necessarily  have  been  registered  in  the  Scottish  or 
American  courts;  yet,  knowing  the  methodical  habit 
of  the  Scottish  bar,  I  caused  search  to  be  made  in  the 


John  Paul  Jones  295 

private  papers  and  records  of  those  local  advocates  who 
might  possibly  have  handled  the  business  in  Scotland; 
but  with  no  results  so  far. 

I  also  had  search  made  for  any  conveyance  of  the 
property  mentioned  in  the  will  by  William  Paul's 
administrators.  I  append  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Mr. 
J.  P.  H.  Crismund,  a  county  clerk  of  Spottsylvania 
County. 

"Spottsylvania,  Va.,  June  7,  1901. 

"  I  have  made  the  matter  of  John  Paul  Jones  and 
William  Paul  and  William  Jones  a  matter  of  most 
careful  study  and  search,  but  have  not  been  able  to  find 
anything  beyond  the  last  will  and  testament  of  William 
Paul,  a  copy  of  which  I  send  you.  My  first  search  was 
made  to  find  the  conveyance  from  William  Paul's 
administration,  with  will  annexed,  conveying  the  houses 
and  lots  in  Fredericksburg  which  are  directed  in 
William  Paul's  will  to  be  sold,  but  the  records  nowhere 
show  this.  This  seems  and  is  strange,  because  some 
disposition  must  have  been  made  of  this  property  in 
some  way,  but  I  cannot  find  this  here.  I  then  followed 
the  fiduciary  indexes  to  see  if  I  could  find  anything 
about  the  enlistment  and  service  of  John  Paul  to  John 
Paul  Jones  —  but  this  also  was  fruitless.  William 
Paul  could  not  have  assumed  the  name  of  Jones,  as  he 
leaves  his  last  will  and  testament  in  the  name  of  Paul, 
nor  is  there  any  will  of  record  in  the  name  of  Paul,  nor 
is  there  any  will  of  record  in  the  name  of  John  Paul 
Jones.  I  have  given  this  matter  such  thought  and 
attention  and  work,  but  I  cannot  find  a  clue  to  any- 
thing named  in  your  letter  to  me  and  concerning  which 
you  make  inquiry. 

"As  William  Paul's  property  was  in  Fredericksburg, 
it  may  be  that  the  settlement  of  his  estate  and  the 


296         Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

account  of  the  sale  of  his  effects  is  of  record  there.  If 
you  desire  to  write  to  the  clerk  of  corporation  court 
of  that  city  as  to  that,  he  will  courteously  attend  to  your 
matter  of  inquiry. 

"Yours    sincerely, 

"J.  P.  H.  Crismund." 

I  wrote  as  Mr.  Crismund  suggested,  but  could  get 
no  further  information. 

VIII.     The   Joneses   of  North   Carolina 

Now  to  revert  to  the  North  Carolina  account.  It 
comes  down  as  straight  as  such  a  story  could.  Colonel 
Cadwallader  Jones  of  North  Carolina,  in  a  privately 
printed  genealogical  history  of  his  family,  states  that 
he  was  born  in  18 12.  His  grandmother,  Mrs.  Willie 
Jones,  died  in  1828.  He  lived  with  her  for  the  first 
fifteen  years  of  his  life.  He  declares  positively  that 
she  told  him  that  John  Paul  had  taken  the  name  for 
the  reasons  mentioned.  The  matter  was  generally  so 
stated  and  accepted  in  the  family.  Mrs.  Willie  Jones 
was  a  woman  of  unusual  mental  force  and  character, 
and  preserved  the  full  use  of  her  faculties  until  her 
death. 

The  same  statement  is  made  independently  by 
descendants  of  other  branches  of  the  Jones  family. 
For  instance,  Mr.  Armistead  Churchill  Gordon,  of 
Staunton,  Va.,  had  it  direct  from  his  great-aunt,  who 
was  a  kinswoman  of  Mrs.  Jones,  and  who  heard  from 
her  the  circumstances  referred  to.  And  there  are 
still  other  lines  of  tradition  which  create  a  strong 
probability  in  favor  of  the  credibility  of  the  theory. 

For  one  thing,  if  Jones  did  represent  his  sister  in  the 


John  Paul  Jones  297 

settlement  of  his  brother's  estate,  it  is  probable  that  he 
would  have  to  give  bond  for  the  proper  performance 
of  his  trust,  and  it  is  sometimes  stated  that  Willie  and 
Allen  Jones  went  on  his  bond  for  five  hundred  pounds 
—  just  the  sum  required  of  the  Executors,  by  the  way. 
It  is  also  singular,  in  view  of  this  will  leaving  property 
to  his  grandmother,  that  the  Louden  whom  Mr.  Buell 
knew  —  and  who  is  said  to  have  died  in  New  Orleans 
in  1887  —  should  have  been  so  mistaken  in  his  state- 
ments; but  on  this  point  the  evidence  of  the  will  is 
absolutely  conclusive. 

IX.     Paul  Jones  Never  a  Man  of  Wealth 

Colonel  Buell  claims  that  John  Paul  Jones  had 
riches  and  influence  in  Virginia  after  the  death  of  his 
brother,  but  the  claim  is  not  tenable  according  to  an 
exhaustive  review  of  his  book  in  the  Virginia  Historical 
Magazine.  In  the  face  of  the  present  exhibit,  and  in 
the  view  of  the  fact  that  Jones  himself  spoke  of  living 
for  two  years  in  Virginia  on  fifty  pounds,  the  story  of 
his  wealth  cannot  be  credited.  It  is  therefore  entirely 
in  harmony  with  the  facts  to  accept  the  North  Carolina 
tradition,  in  the  absence  of  any  evidence  to  the  con- 
trary. The  direct  statement  coming  to  us  in  one 
instance  through  but  one  generation  is  entitled  to 
respect.  As  a  matter  of  fact  both  Colonel  Buell's 
version  of  the  matter  and  my  own  story  rest  upon 
tradition  alone,  with  this  difference  —  the  evidence 
submitted  absolutely  excluded  one  of  the  accounts; 
the  other,  therefore,  logically  comes  to  the  fore. 

And  thus,  I  think,  I  have  contributed  to  clear  up  one 
mooted  point  in  American  history. 


Part  II 
OTHER  TALES  OF  ADVENTURE 

V 
In  the  Caverns  of  the  Pitt 


In  the  Caverns  of  the  Pitt 

A  Story  of  a   Forgotten  Fight  with  the  Indians 

ONE  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  minor 
soldiers  of  the  Civil  War,  minor  in  the 
sense  of  being  surpassed  only  by  men 
of  the  stature  of  Grant,  Sherman,  Sheridan  and 
Thomas,  was  George  Crook.  His  exploits  in  the 
valley  of  the  Shenandoah  were  brilliaiv.  and 
his  whole  career  was  replete  with  instances  of 
ability  and  courage  which  stamped  him  as  a  soldier 
of  the  first  grade.  A  major-general  of  volunteers  and 
a  brevet  maior-genera1  in  the  regular  army,  the  year 
1868  found  him  a  colonel  of  infantry  commanding  the 
military  district  of  Owyhee,  a  section  of  the  country 
which  included  the  southeastern  part  of  Oregon  and 
the  northeastern  part  of  California. 

In  the  adaptation  of  means  to  ends,  so  far  as  Indian 
affairs  are  concerned,  the  United  States  has  usually 
been  woefully  lacking.  With  a  few  companies  of 
cavalry  and  infantry  not  aggregating  a  full  regiment, 
this  eminent  soldier  was  directed  to  hold  the  various 
scattered  garrison  points  throughout  a  large  extent 
of  territory,  and  also  to  settle  the  Indians,  who  for  some 
time  had  been  indulging  their  propensities  for  savage 
slaughter  almost  unchecked,  save  for  a  few  sporadic 
and  ineffective  efforts  by  volunteers  and  irregulars. 

The  far  western  representatives  of  the  great  Sho- 

301 


302  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

shone  nation  are  among  the  meanest,  most  degraded, 
most  despicable  Indians  on  the  continent.  This  did 
not  hinder  them  from  being  among  the  most  brutal 
and  ferocious.  They  made  the  tenure  of  life  and 
property  more  than  precarious  in  that  far-off  section 
during  and  after  the  Civil  War.  They  were  not  very 
numerous,  nor  were  they  a  great  race  of  fighters,  except 
when  cornered.  The  character  of  the  country  to  the 
eastward  of  their  ravaging  ground,  abounding  in  lava 
beds,  desolate  plains,  inaccessible  valleys  and  impassable 
mountain  ranges,  to  which  they  could  fly  when  they 
were  hard  pressed,  rendered  it  difficult  to  bring  any  con- 
siderable number  of  them  to  action,  and  they  enjoyed 
a  certain  immunity  from  punishment  on  that  account. 

The  most  important  engagement  between  them  and 
the  troops,  before  the  patience  and  perseverance  of 
Crook  and  his  handful,  finally  wore  out  the  Indians, 
presents,  perhaps,  the  one  instance  where  they  were 
brought  fairly  to  bay  and  the  soldiers  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  give  them  a  thorough  beating.  This  unique 
battle  demonstrated  also  how  desperately  even  a 
coward  will  fight  when  his  back  is  against  a  wall. 
And  it  showed,  as  few  other  frontier  fights  have  shown, 
the  splendid  courage  of  the  regular  American  soldier 
in  this  arduous,  unheeded  service. 

Early  on  the  26th  of  September,  1868,  General 
Crook,  with  a  small  troop  of  cavalry,  H  of  the  First, 
numbering  less  than  thirty  men,  together  with  about 
a  score  of  mounted  infantrymen  from  the  Twenty- 
third  Regiment,  and  perhaps  as  many  Warm  Spring 
Indian  scouts  under  a  leader  named  Donald  Mac- 
intosh, with  a  small  pack  train,  found  himself  on  the 
south  fork  of  Pitt  River,  in  Modoc  County,  Cal.,  a  few 
miles  below  its  junction  with  the  main  stream.     The 


In  the  Caverns  of  the  Pitt  303 

country  is  wild,  unsettled,  largely  unexplored  to  this 
day.  There  is  no  railroad  even  now  nearer  than  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  miles.  General  Crook  had 
been  hunting  and  trailing  Indians  in  the  Warmer 
Mountains  without  success  for  several  days.  "  On  this 
morning  the  Warm  Spring  Indian  scouts  reported 
that  a  large  body  of  Indians  was  encamped  in  the 
valley  upon  which  he  was  just  entering. 

The  general  direction  of  the  river  here  was  due  north 
and  south.  Perhaps  a  mile  from  the  bank  of  the  river 
to  the  west,  rose  a  high  tableland  which  terminated 
in  precipitous  and  generally  insurmountable  bluffs 
of  black  basalt,  extending  above  the  general  level  of 
the  valley  about  twelve  hundred  feet.  Projecting 
eastward  from  the  side  of  these  lofty  cliffs  was  a  singular 
rocky  plateau,  the  outer  lines  of  which  roughly  formed 
a  half  circle.  This  elevation  was  bordered  on  the 
south  by  a  deep  and  broken  canon,  on  the  north  by  a 
creek  which  ran  through  a  forest  of  scattered  juniper 
trees.  The  plateau  rose  in  two  gentle  slopes  to  a 
height  of  about  five  or  six  hundred  feet  above  the 
valley  level,  and  was  thus  half  as  high  as  the  bluff  to 
the  westward,  which  formed  the  base  of  the  semi- 
circle. Near  the  northern  part  of  the  plateau  the 
rocks  were  elevated  in  a  series  of  irregular  broken 
peaks,  like  the  jagged  ice  hummocks  of  the  higher 
latitudes.  The  whole  plateau  was  covered  with 
enormous  boulders,  over  which  it  was  impossible  even 
to  lead  a  horse.  On  the  lower  reaches  plots  of  grass, 
dotted  with  junipers,  abounded.  The  valley  of  the 
river  proper  below  the  cliffs  and  the  projecting  plateau 
was  a  good  place  for  a  camp,  although  the  ground 
near  the  banks  was  swampy  and  impassable. 

The   peaks   mentioned,   it  was   afterward   learned, 


304  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

abounded  with  hidden  caves  and  underground  passages. 
By  some  curious  freak  of  nature,  the  volcanic  hum- 
mocks contained  no  less  than  four  natural  fortifications 
of  varying  sizes,  which,  supplemented  by  very  slight 
efforts  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  had  been  turned  into 
defensive  works  of  the  most  formidable  character. 

They  were  connected  by  a  perfect  labyrinth  of  cre- 
vasses and  underground  passages  and  caves,  so  that 
the  defenders  could  easily  pass  from  one  to  the  other. 
The  northeast  fort,  which  was  the  principal  one  of 
the  chain,  was  surrounded  by  a  natural  gorge  some 
fifty  feet  deep  and  twenty-five  feet  wide  at  the  top.  A 
sort  of  banquette,  or  balcony,  making  a  practicable 
path  several  feet  wide,  extended  around  the  fort 
between  the  wall  and  the  edge  of  the  ravine.  The 
fort  proper  was  enclosed  by  a  wall  of  rock,  partly 
natural,  partly  artificial,  about  eight  feet  high.  An 
assailant  crossing  the  ravine  and  gaining  the  crest  of 
the  peak  would  have  ample  standing  ground  between 
the  edge  and  the  wall.  The  broken  ground  around 
these  forts  on  the  plateau  formed  a  series  of  natural 
rifle  pits. 

These  works  were  held  by  no  less  than  one  hundred 
and  twenty  Shoshones  belonging  to  the  Piutes,  Pitt 
Rivers,  Modocs  and  Snakes.  Their  chief  was 
Sa-hei-ta,  one  of  the  bravest  and  most  brutal  of  the 
marauders.  When  they  saw  Crook's  little  force  of 
fifty  white  soldiers  and  a  score  of  Warm  Spring  Indians 
descending  the  bluff  into  the  valley  south  of  the  rocky 
canon,  they  laughed  them  to  scorn.  They  were  con- 
fident in  the  strength  of  their  position  and  in  their 
numbers,  and  they  resolved  to  hold  their  ground. 
Indeed,  after  the  first  few  moments  there  was  nothing 
else  for  them  to  do,  for  Crook  distributed  his  cavalry 


In  the  Caverns  of  the  Pitt         305 

and  infantry  around  the  northern  and  southern  sides, 
put  his  pack  mules  in  camp  in  the  valley  on  the  east 
with  a  small  guard,  and  threw  the  Warm  Spring  Indian 
scouts  back  of  the  forts  between  them  and  the  cliffs. 
Thus  he  had  the  Indians  surrounded,  so  far  as  seventy 
men  could  surround  nearly  twice  their  number  in 
chosen  fortifications.  The  whole  place  was  popularly 
known  as  the  Hell  Caves  of  the  Pitt  River,  although 
in  the  War  Department  and  official  records  it  is 
described  more  politely  as  the  Infernal  Caverns  of 
the  Pitt  River. 

Getting  his  men  in  position,  Crook  acted  promptly. 
In  long  thin  lines  on  the  north  and  south,  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  abundant  cover,  the  soldiers  cautiously 
advanced,  clearing  out  the  rifle  pits  and  driving  the 
Indians  back  toward  their  stronghold.  There  was 
severe  fighting  all  during  the  afternoon,  in  which 
First  Sergeant  Charles  Brackett  and  Private  James 
Lyons  were  killed  and  a  number  were  wounded.  The 
Warm  Spring  Indians,  who  were  good  scouts,  did  not 
fancy  this  sort  of  warfare,  and  they  took  practically 
no  part  in  the  battle.  They  were  useful  enough  in 
one  way,  as  they  checked  any  retreat  toward  the  bluffs, 
although  as  it  turned  out  the  Indians  had  no  intention 
of  leaving. 

Finally,  toward  evening,  the  plateau  was  entirely 
cleared  of  Indians,  who  had  all  been  forced  back  into 
the  forts.  Crook  had  sent  a  picket  of  soldiers  to  the 
edge  of  the  basalt  cliffs  and  these  men,  with  long-range 
rifles,  did  some  little  execution  on  the  defenders  of  the 
forts,  although  the  distance  was  so  great  that  their 
fire  was  largely  ineffectual.  Night  found  the  soldiers 
ensconced  behind  boulders  on  the  very  rim  of  the 
ravine,  the  Indians  in  the  forts.     In  little  squads  the 


306  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

soldiers  were  withdrawn  from  the  battlefield  and  sent 
down  to  the  camp  in  the  valley  to  get  something  to  eat. 
They  had  been  without  food  or  water  since  morning, 
and  fighting  is  about  the  hottest,  thirstiest  work  that 
a  man  can  engage  in.  After  they  had  refreshed  them- 
selves, they  went  back  to  the  plateau  to  keep  watch 
over  the  fort.  Desultory  firing  took  place  all  night 
long,  the  Indians  blazing  away  indiscriminately  — 
they  had  plenty  of  ammunition,  it  appeared  —  and 
the  soldiers  firing  at  the  flashes  of  the  guns.  The 
voices  of  the  medicine  men  and  the  chiefs  could  be 
heard  exhorting  them  and  promising  victory. 

Crook  determined  to  storm  the  place  at  break  of 
day.  The  darkness  rendered  it  impossible  to  attempt 
the  broken,  precipitous  descent  and  ascent  of  the 
ravine  in  the  night.  Light  was  needed  for  that.  He 
had  fought  valiantly  throughout  the  day,  this  major- 
general,  as  a  common  soldier  in  the  ranks.  He  was 
a  dead  shot,  and  had  used  his  Spencer  carbine  with 
effect  whenever  opportunity  presented.  He  could 
assemble  for  the  assault  but  forty  men,  twenty-two 
of  the  First  Cavalry  and  eighteen  of  the  Twenty-third 
Infantry.  The  Warm  Spring  auxiliaries  refused  to 
assault,  such  close  work  not  being  to  their  taste.  There 
were  several  wounded  men  in  the  camp,  and  a  small 
guard  had  to  be  kept  there  to  protect  them  and  the 
horses  from  the  attacks  of  some  of  the  Indians  who 
had  taken  advantage  of  the  night  to  escape  from  the 
stronghold  to  endeavor  to  stampede  the  herd,  and 
who  from  various  covers  kept  up  a  constant  fire  on  the 
camp,  so  that  Lieutenant  Eskridge,  quartermaster,  had 
his  hands  full  in  holding  his  ground. 

First  Lieutenant  W.  R.  Parnell,  now  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, who  commanded  the  cavalry,  was  directed  to 


In  the  Caverns  of  the  Pitt  307 

lead  the  assault.  Second  Lieutenant  John  Madigan, 
also  of  the  cavalry,  who  had  charge  of  the  infantry, 
was  ordered  to  support.  The  troops  were  directed  to 
creep  to  the  brink  of  the  crevasses  surrounding  the 
fort  and  drop  down  it  as  quickly  as  possible.  Arrived 
at  the  bottom,  they  were  to  scale  the  rocky  counter- 
scarp, and  when  they  got  to  the  platform  they  were  to 
keep  moving  while  they  attempted  to  break  the  wall 
of  the  fort  proper.  Crook,  who  believed  in  intimida- 
tion, advised  them  to  yell  and  cheer  as  much  as  possible. 
The  general  crawled  around  during  the  night  from 
man  to  man,  acquainting  every  soldier  with  his  ideas 
and  "  talking  to  them  as  a  father."  He  reminds  me  a 
little  of  Henry  V.  before  the  battle  of  Agincourt. 

The  task  he  had  set  his  soldiers  was  desperate  in  the 
extreme.  It  speaks  well  not  only  for  the  general's 
reliance  upon  them,  but  for  the  quality  of  the  men  also, 
that  he  conceived  it  possible  and  that  they  carried  it 
out  effectively.  So  soon  as  it  was  fairly  dawn  the 
soldiers  at  a  given  signal  dashed  at  the  crest.  So 
suddenly  did  they  appear  that,  although  the  Indians 
in  the  fort  across  the  ravine  opened  a  terrific  rifle  and 
arrow  fire  upon  them,  not  one  was  injured.  Without 
a  moment's  hesitation,  the  men  plunged  down  the  walls, 
and  sliding,  falling,  any  way,  they  reached  the  bottom. 
There  they  were  safe  from  the  fire  of  the  Indians,  for 
the  platform  around  the  wall  of  the  fort  prevented  the 
Indians  from  shooting  into  the  ravine. 

Parnell's  company  immediately  began  the  escalade 
of  the  cliffs.  Madigan  had  not  been  so  fortunate. 
Where  he  struck  the  ravine  the  wall  happened  to  be 
absolutely  sheer.  Descent  was  not  practicable.  His 
men  therefore  stopped  on  the  brink  until  he  directed 
his  infantrymen  to  circle  the  ravine  until  they  found  a 


308  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

practicable  descent  and  there  join  ParnelPs  men.  He 
had  scarcely  given  the  order  when  a  bullet  pierced  his 
brain.  Some  of  his  men  were  also  struck  down,  others 
retired  behind  the  rocks,  made  a  detour  and  followed 
Parnell. 

The  sides  of  the  ravine  were  so  precipitous  that  no 
man  could  scale  them  unaided.  Two  or  three  would 
lift  up  a  fellow-soldier.  After  gaining  a  foothold  he 
in  turn  would  pull  others  up,  and  thus  they  slowly 
made  their  way  to  the  edge  of  the  cliffs,  Crook  climb- 
ing with  the  rest.  They  finally  gained  the  banquette,  or 
platform,  after  a  difficult  and  exhausting  climb.  The 
Indians  were  behind  the  walls  of  the  fort,  the  soldiers 
outside.  Sergeant  Michael  Meara,  leading  the 
advance,  peeped  through  a  loop-hole,  and  was  shot 
dead.  Private  Willoughby  Sawyer,  happening  to  pass 
by  another  orifice,  was  killed  in  the  same  way.  In 
both  cases  the  Indians  were  so  close  that  the  faces  of 
both  men  were  badly  powder  burned.  A  slug  struck 
the  wrist  and  an  arrow  pierced  the  body  of  Private 
Shea,  hurling  him  to  the  bottom  of  the  ravine. 

But  the  soldiers  were  not  idle.  Guns  from  each 
side  were  thrust  through  every  loophole  or  crevice  and 
discharged  blindly.  In  this  desperate  method  of 
fighting,  the  Indians,  being  contracted  within  the 
circle,  suffered  the  more.  While  some  were  fighting 
thus,  others  were  tearing  down  the  rocky  wall  with 
hands  and  bayonets.  A  breach  was  soon  made,  and 
through  it  the  soldiers  streamed.  The  Indians,  after 
one  hasty  volley,  fled  precipitately.  The  last  man  to 
leave  the  fort  was  the  chief,  Sa-hei-ta.  As  he  leaped 
over  the  wall  Crook's  unerring  Spencer  sent  a  bullet 
into  his  spine,  and  he  fell  dead  at  the  bottom  of  the 
ravine.     The  fort  had  been  defended  by  at  least  fifty 


In  the  Caverns  of  the  Pitt  309 

Indians,  and  there  were  fifteen  dead  bodies  in  it. 
Among  these  was  that  of  the  chief  medicine  man. 

The  soldiers  ran  to  the  western  wall,  and  through 
loopholes  opened  a  fire  upon  the  Indians,  who  had 
joined  their  fellows  in  the  other  forts.  The  fire  was 
fiercely  returned.  About  nine  in  the  morning  one  of 
the  infantrymen,  peering  through  a  small  crevice  in  the 
rock,  found  his  view  obstructed  by  a  small  weed.  In 
spite  of  Parnell's  caution,  he  uprooted  it,  leaving  quite 
an  opening,  in  which  he  was  completely  exposed. 
He  was  shot  through  the  head  instantly  and  fell 
unconscious.* 

The  wounded,  of  which  there  were  a  number,  were 
now  taken  to  the  camp  about  n  a.m.  The  fire  of  the 
Indians  having  slackened,  Crook,  leaving  a  detach- 
ment in  the  fort,  withdrew  the  rest  of  the  men  to  the 
camp  for  breakfast.  The  Indians  took  advantage  of 
this  opportunity  to  charge  the  fort.  The  few  defen- 
ders were  driven  out  of  the  fortification  and  Sergeant 
Russler  was  killed,  the  third  sergeant  to  lose  his  life 
that  day!  Rallying  on  the  banquette,  upon  the  return 
of  the  others,  they  in  turn  drove  the  Indians  out  of  the 
fort.  Neither  party  could  occupy  it  all  day  long. 
The  soldiers  clung  to  the  platform  covering  their  dead 
in  the  fort  on  one  side,  while  the  Indians  from  the 
forts  on  the  other  side  prevented  the  soldiers  from 
re-entering. 

It  was  not  until  nightfall  that  the  dead  could  be 
withdrawn.  The  soldiers  re-occupied  the  fort  at  night, 
and  although  the  Indians  sent  frequent  volleys  of 
arrows,  which  they  shot  into  the  air,  hoping  they  would 

*  He  lived  three  weeks  without  regaining  his  senses,  and  eventually  died  at  Camp 
Warner,  Ore.,  over  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  away,  whither  he  was  carried  with 
the  other  wounded,  after  the  battle. 


310  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

fall  upon  the  soldiers,  and  kept  up  an  irregular  fire, 
culminating  in  a  sustained  discharge  about  midnight, 
they  made  no  attempt  seriously  to  take  the  fort, 
although  the  soldiers,  confidently  expecting  an  attack, 
lay  on  their  arms  all  night.  During  the  last  half  of 
it  not  a  sound  came  from  the  Indians. 

The  next  morning  Crook  prepared  to  resume  the 
attack  by  assaulting  the  other  forts,  when  his  sus- 
picions were  awakened  by  a  strange  quiet,  which  con- 
tinued in  spite  of  several  efforts  to  draw  the  Indian  fire. 
Fearing  some  stratagem,  he  delayed  until  he  could  have 
speech  with  the  interior  forts  by  means  of  a  wounded 
Indian  squaw,  whom  they  captured  after  cautious 
scouting.  From  this  woman,  whom  they  forced  to 
speak  by  threatening  to  hang  her,  it  was  learned  that 
the  Indians  had  decamped  during  the  night.  The 
warriors  had  taken  advantage  of  a  long  underground 
passage  which  led  south  and  opened  in  a  cave  in  the 
side  of  the  canon.  This  concealed  way  actually  took 
them  under  the  feet  of  Crook's  soldiers,  and  sufficiently 
far  from  his  camp  and  scouts  to  enable  them,  so  quietly 
had  they  moved,  to  steal  away  undetected.  They 
left  their  women  and  children  in  the  caves.  These 
caves  were  a  perfect  maze.  To  attempt  to  search 
them  would  have  been  impossible.  Indeed,  one 
soldier,  Private  James  Carey,  who  saw  the  body  of  a 
dead  Indian  near  the  mouth  of  one  of  them,  and  who 
sought  a  scalp  as  a  trophy,  descended  to  the  cave 
mouth  and  was  shot  dead  by  some  one,  probably  a 
wounded  brave,  within  the  dark  recesses. 

The  Indians'  loss  was  about  forty  killed.  Crook 
had  lost  nearly  a  moiety  —  50  per  cent.  —  of  his  entire 
force,  an  appalling  proportion!  One  officer,  six 
soldiers,  one  civilian  had  been  killed,  twelve  soldiers, 


In  the  Caverns  of  the  Pitt  311 

including  three  corporals,*  seriously  wounded,  two 
of  them  afterward  died;  and  almost  every  survivor  in 
the  party  had  received  some  slight  wound  or  had  been 
badly  bruised  by  falls  in  climbing  over  the  broken  rocks. 
Their  clothing  and  shoes  were  cut  to  pieces,  they  were 
utterly  worn  out  by  two  sleepless  nights  and  two  days' 
desperate  righting.  They  buried  the  brave  soldiers  in 
the  valley,  concealing  their  graves  so  that  the  Indians 
could  not  discover  them  and  ravage  them.  Carrying 
their  wounded  in  rude  travois  slung  between  horses  and 
mules,  and  taking  the  body  of  brave  young  Madigan,  who 
was  buried  in  a  lonely  forgotten  grave,  one  day's  march 
from  the  battlefield,  they  returned  to  Camp  Warner. 

With  a  greatly  inferior  force  Crook  had  assailed  the 
Indians  on  ground  of  their  own  choosing,  which  they 
believed  to  be  impregnable,  and  had  administered 
a  crushing  defeat.  The  escalade  of  the  wall  of  the 
ravine,  the  breaching  of  the  rampart,  the  storming 
of  the  fort,  its  defence,  its  abandonment  and  recapture, 
was  one  of  the  most  gallant  and  heroic  exploits  ever 
performed  in  American  history.  Although  he  had 
paid  dearly  for  his  victory,  the  lesson  Crook  had 
inflicted  upon  the  savages  was  a  salutary  one,  and  the 
disastrous  defeat  of  the  Indians  in  the  Infernal  Caverns 
of  the  Pitt  River  was  a  great  factor  in  bringing  about 
the  subsequent  pacification  of  that  section. 

To-day  the  exploit  is  forgotten.  All  the  officers,  save 
one,  and  I  presume  most  of  the  men,  who  participated, 
are  dead.  It  is  from  the  papers  of  the  surviving  officer, 
Colonel  Parnell,  and  from  official  reports  and  a  few  mea- 
gre published  accounts  in  newspapers  and  books  that 
this  story  of  American  heroism  has  been  prepared. 

♦The  loss  among  non-commissioned  officers  was  especially  heavy,  showing  how 
well  these  brave  men  did  their  duty. 


Part  II 
OTHER  TALES  OF  ADVENTURE 

VI 
Being  a  Boy  Out  West 


Being  a  Boy  Out  West 

I  AM  in  some  doubt  as  to  whether  to  call  this 
particular  reminiscence  "Pants  That  I  Have 
Worn"  or  "Trousers  Like  Those  Mother  Used 
to  Make."  For  either  name  seems  admirably  suitable 
to  the  situation. 

I  was  the  oldest  son  in  a  numerous  family,  and 
therefore  had  the  heritage  of  my  father's  clothes.  He 
was  an  exceedingly  neat  and  careful  man,  and  never  — 
to  my  sorrow  be  it  said  —  did  he  ever  wear  out  any- 
thing, unless  it  were  an  apple  switch  on  me  or  my 
brothers.  I  had  to  wear  out  all  his  old  clothes,  it 
seemed  to  me.  It  was  not  a  matter  of  choice  but  of 
necessity  with  me.  My  younger  brother  always 
escaped.  By  the  time  I  had  finished  anything,  there 
was  no  more  of  it.  It  went  perforce  to  the  ragman, 
if  he  would  condescend  to  accept  it. 

There  was  a  certain  sad,  plum-colored,  shad- 
bellied  coat  that  flashes  athwart  my  memory  in  hideous 
recollection,  which  wrapped  itself  portentiously  about 
my  slim  figure,  to  the  great  delectation  of  my  young 
friends  and  companions,  and  to  my  corresponding 
misery.  I  can  recall  their  satirical  criticisms  vividly 
even  now.  They  enjoyed  it  hugely,  especially  the 
little  girls.  Think  of  a  small  —  say  "skinny"  —  little 
boy,  about  nine  or  ten  years  old,  in  a  purple  shad- 
bellied  coat  which  had  been  made  to  fit  (?)  him  by 
cutting  off  the  sleeves,  also  the  voluminous  tails  just 
below  the  back  buttons! 

315 


316  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

I  could  never  understand  the  peculiar  taste  my  father 
manifested  in  his  younger  days,  for  when  I  recall  the 
age  which  permitted  me  to  wear  cut-down  clothing 
(and  that  age  arrived  at  an  extraordinary  early  period 
in  my  existence,  it  appeared  to  me),  such  a  fearful 
and  wonderful  assortment  of  miscellaneous  garments 
of  all  colors,  shapes  and  sizes  as  were  resurrected 
from  the  old  chests  in  the  garret,  where  they  had 
reposed  in  peaceful  neglect  for  half  a  generation,  the 
Uninitiated  can  scarcely  believe. 

The  shad-bellied  coat  was  bad  enough  —  you  could 
take  that  off,  though  —  but  there  was  something 
worse  that  stayed  on.  Fortunately  there  is  one  season 
in  the  year  when  coats  in  the  small  Western  village, 
in  which  I  lived,  were  at  a  discount,  especially  on  small 
boys,  and  that  was  summer.  But  on  the  warmest  of  sum- 
mer days  the  most  recklessly  audacious  youngster  has  to 
wear  trousers   even   in   the  most   sequestered  village. 

One  pair  rises  before  me  among  the  images  of  many 
and  will  not  down.  The  fabric  of  which  this  particular 
garment  was  made  was  colored  a  light  cream,  not  to 
say  yellow.  There  was  a  black  stripe,  a  piece  of  round 
black  braid  down  each  leg,  too,  and  the  garment  was 
as  heavy  as  broadcloth  and  as  stiff  as  a  board.  Nothing 
could  have  been  more  unsuitable  for  a  boy  to  wear 
than  that  was.  I  rebelled  and  protested  with  all  the 
strength  of  my  infantile  nature,  but  it  was  needs  must  — 
I  had  either  to  wear  them  or  to  remain  in  bed 
indefinitely.  Swallowing  my  pride,  in  spite  of  my 
mortification,  I  put  them  on  and  sallied  forth,  but 
little  consoled  by  the  approving  words  and  glances  of 
my  mother,  who  took  what  I  childishly  believed  to  be 
an  utterly  unwarranted  pride  in  her  —  shall  I  say  — 
adaptation  or  reduction  ?     Those  trousers  had  a  send- 


Being  a  Boy  Out  West  317 

mental  value  for  her,  too,  as  I  was  to  learn  later.  As 
for  me,  I  fairly  loathed  them. 

Many  times  since  then,  I  have  been  the  possessor 
of  a  "best  and  only  pair,"  but  never  a  pair  of  such 
color,  quality  and  shape.  They  were  originally 
of -the  wide-seated,  peg-top  variety,  quite  like  the 
fashion  of  to-day,  by  the  way  —  or  is  it  yesterday, 
in  these  times  of  sudden  changes  ?  —  and  when  they 
were  cut  off  square  at  the  knee  and  shirred  or  gathered 
or  reefed  in  at  the  waist,  they  looked  singularly  like 
the  typical  "Dutchman's  breeches."  I  might  have 
worn  them  as  one  of  Hendrik  Hudson's  crew  in  "  Rip 
Van  Winkle"  —  which  was,  even  in  those  days,  the 
most  popular  play  in  which  Joseph  Jefferson  appeared. 
You  can  see  how  long  ago  it  was  from  that. 

Well,  I  put  them  on  in  bitterness  of  heart.  How 
the  other  boys  greeted  me  until  they  got  used  to  them  — 
which  it  seemed  to  me  they  never  would!  Unfortun- 
ately for  them,  anyway,  they  had  only  one  day,  one 
brief  day,  in  which  to  make  game  of  me;  for  the  first 
time  I  wore  them  something  happened. 

There  was  a  pond  on  a  farm  near  our  house  called, 
from  its  owner,  "Duffy's  Pond."  The  water  drained 
into  a  shallow  low  depression  in  a  large  meadow, 
and  made  a  mudhole,  a  cattle  wallow.  Little  boys 
have  a  fondness  for  water,  when  it  is  exposed  to  the 
air  —  that  is,  when  it  is  muddy,  when  it  is  dirty  — 
which  is  in  adverse  ratio  to  their  zest  for  nice,  clean 
water  in  a  nice  clean  tub.  To  bathe  and  be  clean 
does  not  seem  instinctive  with  boys.  And  how  careful 
we  were  not  to  wet  the  backs  of  our  hands  and  our 
wrists  except  when  in  swimming!  And  how  hard 
did  our  parents  strive  to  teach  us  to  distribute  our 
ablutions  more  generally! 


3 1 8  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

Well,  Mr.  Duffy  did  not  allow  boys  to  swim  in  his 
pond,  which  made  it  all  the  more  inviting.  It  was 
a  hot  August  day  when  I  first  put  on  those  cream- 
colored  pants.  Naturally,  we  went  in  swimming. 
Having  divested  ourselves  of  our  clothing  —  and  with 
what  joy  I  cast  off  the  hideous  garment!  —  we  had  to 
wade  through  twenty  or  thirty  yards  of  mud  growing 
deeper  and  more  liquid  with  every  step,  until  we  reached 
the  water.  We  were  having  a  great  time  playing  in  the 
ooze  when  Mr.  Duffy  appeared  in  sight.  He  was  an 
irascible  old  man,  and  did  not  love  his  neighbors' 
children!  He  had  no  sympathy  at  all  with  us  in  our 
sports;  he  actually  begrudged  us  the  few  apples  we 
stole  when  they  were  unripe  and  scarce,  and  as  for 
watermelons  —  ah,  but  he  was  an  unfeeling  farmer! 

Fortunately,  he  had  no  dog  with  him  that  morning, 
nothing  but  a  gun  —  an  old  shotgun  with  the  barrels 
sawed  off  at  half  their  length,  loaded  with  beans  or 
bacon,  or  pepper  or  sand,  I  don't  remember  which  — 
they  were  all  bad  enough  if  they  hit  you.  The  alarm 
was  given  instantly,  and  we  made  a  wild  rush  for  the 
tall  grass  through  that  mud.  You  can  fancy  how 
dirty  we  became,  splashing,  stumbling,  wallowing  in  it. 
Mr.  Duffy,  firing  beans  at  us  from  the  rear,  accelerated 
our  pace  to  a  frightful  degree.  Fortunately  again, 
like  Hamlet,  he  was  "fat  and  scant  o'  breath,"  and  we 
could  run  like  deer,  which  we  did.  En  route  I  grabbed 
my  shirt  with  one  hand  and  those  cream-colored  pants 
with  the  other. 

The  mud  of  that  pond  was  the  thick,  black,  sticky 
kind.  It  stained  hideously  anything  light  that  it 
touched,  as  irrevocably  as  sin.  Those  trousers  had 
been  clasped  against  my  boyish  muddy  breast  or 
flapped  against  my  muddy,  skinny  legs,  and  they  were 


Being  a  Boy  Out  West  319 

a  sight  to  behold!  There  was  no  water  available  for 
miles  where  we  stopped.  We  rubbed  ourselves  off 
with  the  burnt  grass  of  August  and  dusty  leaves  as 
well  as  we  could,  dressed  ourselves  and  repaired  home. 

I  was  a  melancholy  picture.  The  leopard  could 
have  changed  his  spots  as  easily  as  I.  Yet  I  well 
remember  the  mixture  of  fierce  joy  and  terrified 
apprehension  that  pervaded  me.  I  arrived  home 
about  dinner-time.  Father  was  there.  "  Wh  —  what !' 
he  cried  in  astonishment.  "Where  have  you  been, 
sir?" 

"Those,"  sobbed  my  mother  in  anguished  tones, 
"were  your  father's  wedding  trousers!  I  gave  them 
to  you  with  reluctance  and  as  a  great  favor,  you 
wretched  boy,  and  —  and  —  you  have  ruined  them." 

I  was  taken  upstairs,  thoroughly  washed,  scrubbed 
—  in  the  tub,  which  was  bad  enough  —  and  when 
sufficiently  clean  to  be  handed  to  my  father,  he  and  I 
had  an  important  interview  in  the  wood-shed  —  our 
penal  institution  —  over  which  it  were  well  to  draw 
the  curtain.  There  was  a  happy  result  to  the  adven- 
ture, however:  I  never  wore  the  cream-colored 
pants  again,  and  hence  my  joy.  The  relief  was  almost 
worth  the  licking. 

Some  of  the  material,  however,  was  worked  up  into 
a  patchwork  quilt,  and  of  the  rest  my  mother  made 
a  jacket  for  my  sister.  My  mother  could  not  look 
upon  those  things  without  tears;  neither  could  I! 
Why  is  it  that  grown  people  will  be  so  inconsiderate 
about  a  little  boy's  clothes  ? 

It  was  the  fashion  of  many  years  before  I  was  born 
for  people  —  that  is,  men  and  boys  —  to  wear  shawls. 
There  was  a  dearth  in  the  family  exchequer  on  one 
occasion  —  on  many  occasions,  I   may  say,  but  this 


320  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

was  a  particular  one.  I  had  no  overcoat,  at  least 
not  one  suitable  for  Sunday,  and  really  it  would  have 
been  preposterous  to  have  attempted  to  cut  down  one 
of  father's  for  me.  That  feat  was  beyond  even  my 
mother's  facile  scissors,  and  she  could  effect  marvels 
with  them,  I  knew  to  my  cost.  It  was  a  bitter  cold 
winter  day,  I  remember,  and  my  mother,  in  the  kind- 
ness of  her  heart,  brought  to  light  one  of  those  long, 
narrow,  fringed,  brilliantly  colored  plaided  shawls, 
so  that  I  should  not  miss  Sunday  school.  I  was 
perfectly  willing  to  miss  it,  then  or  any  other  time, 
for  any  excuse  was  a  good  one  for  that.  But  no,  I 
was  wrapped  up  in  it  in  spite  of  my  frantic  protests 
and  despatched  with  my  little  sister  —  she  who  wore 
the  cream-colored  trousers-jacket  —  to  the  church. 
Strange  to  say,  she  did  not  mind  at  all. 

We  separated  outside  the  house  door,  and  I  ran  on 
alone.  I  had  evolved  a  deep,  dark  purpose.  I 
went  much  more  rapidly  than  she,  and  as  soon  as  I 
turned  the  corner,  and  was  safely  out  of  sight,  I  tore 
off  that  hateful  shawl  and  when  I  arrived  at  the  meeting- 
house I  ignominiously  thrust  it  into  the  coal  heap  in 
the  dilapidated  shed  in  the  corner  of  the  lot.  I  was 
almost  frozen  by  the  time  I  arrived,  but  any  condition 
was  better  than  that  shawl. 

The  Sunday  school  exercises  proceeded  as  usual, 
but  in  the  middle  of  them,  the  janitor  who  had  gone  into 
the  coal  house  for  the  wherewithal  to  replenish  the 
fires,  came  back  with  the  shawl.  I  had  rammed  it 
rather  viciously  under  the  coal,  and  it  was  a  filthy 
object.  The  superintendent  held  it  up  by  finger  and 
thumb  and  asked  to  whom  it  belonged. 

"Why,  that's  our  Johnny's"  piped  up  my  little  sister 
amid  a  very  disheartening  roar  of  laughter  from  the 


Being  a  Boy  Out  West  321 

school.  There  was  no  use  in  my  denying  the  state- 
ment. Her  reputation  for  veracity  was  much  higher 
than  mine,  and  I  recognized  the  futility  of  trying  to 
convince  any  one  that  she  was  mistaken.  At  the 
close  of  the  session  I  had  to  wrap  myself  in  that  coal- 
stained  garment  and  go  forth.  I  was  attended  by  a 
large  delegation  of  the  scholars  when  the  school  was 
over.  They  did  not  at  all  object  to  going  far  out  of 
their  way  to  escort  me  home,  and  they  left  me  at  my 
own  gate. 

It  was  Sunday,  and  it  was  against  my  father's 
religious  principles  to  lick  us  on  Sunday  —  that  was 
one  of  the  compensations,  youthful  compensations 
of  that  holy  day  —  but  Monday  wasn't  far  off,  and 
father's  memory  was  remarkably  acute.  Ah,  those 
sad  times,  but  there  was  fun  in  them,  too,  after  all. 

There  was  a  little  boy  who  lived  near  us  named 
Henry  Smith.  He  and  I  were  inseparable.  He  had 
a  brother  three  years  older  than  himself  whose  name 
was  Charles.  Charles  was  of  course  much  taller  and 
stronger  than  Henry  and  myself,  and  he  could  attend 
to  one  of  us  easily.  But  both  of  us  together  made 
a  pretty  good  match  for  him.  Consequently  we  hunted 
in  couples,  as  it  were.  Charles  was  unduly  sensitive 
about  his  Christian  name.  I  think  he  called  it  his 
unchristian  name.  Not  the  "Charles"  part  of  it, 
that  was  all  right,  but  his  parents  had  inconsiderately 
saddled  him  with  the  hopeless  additional  name  of  Peter 
Van  Buskirk  Smith!  All  we  had  to  do  to  bring  about 
a  fight  was  to  approach  him  and  address  him  as  "  Peter 
Van  Buskirk."  He  bitterly  resented  it,  which  was 
most  unreasonable  of  him.  I  recall  times  when  the 
three  of  us  struggled  in  the  haymow  for  hours  at  a 
time,  Peter  Van  Buskirk,  furiously  angry,  striving  to 


322  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

force  an  apology  or  retraction,  and  Henry  and  I  having 
a  glorious  time  refusing  him. 

We  were  safe  enough  while  we  were  together,  but 
when  he  caught  us  alone  —  O  my!  I  can  remember 
it  yet.  He  was  always  Charles,  at  that  time,  but  it 
was  of  no  use.  Yet  notwithstanding  the  absolute 
certainty  of  a  severe  thrashing  when  he  caught  us 
singly,  we  never  could  refrain  from  calling  him  "  Peter 
Van  Buskirk"  when  we  were  together. 

Why  is  it  that  parents  are  so  thoughtless  about 
the  naming  of  their  children  ?  I  knew  a  boy  once 
named  Elijah  Draco  and  there  was  another  lad  of 
my  acquaintance  who  struggled  under  the  name  of 
Lord  Byron.  That  wasn't  so  bad,  because  we  short- 
ened it  to  "By,"  but  "Elijah  Draco"  was  hopeless,  so 
we  called  him  "Tommy,"  as  a  rebuke  to  his  unfeeling 
parents. 

Charles  Peter  Van  Buskirk  was  a  funny  boy.  He 
was  as  brave  as  a  lion.  You  could  pick  him  up  by 
the  ears,  which  were  long  —  and  shall  I  say  handy  ?  — 
and  he  never  would  howl.  We  knew  that  was  the 
way  to  tell  a  good  dog.  "Pick  him  up  by  the  ears; 
an'  if  he  howls,  he'll  be  no  fighter!"  And  we  thought 
what  was  a  good  test  for  a  dog  could  not  be  amiss  for 
a  boy. 

He  had  a  dog  once,  sold  to  him  for  a  quarter  when  it 
was  a  pup  by  a  specious  individual  of  the  tramp 
variety,  as  one  of  the  finest  "  King-Newf'un'lan'  — 
Bull  Breed."  His  appetite  and  his  vices  were  in  propor- 
tion to  his  descriptions,  but  he  had  no  virtues  that 
we  could  discover.  With  a  boy's  lack  of  inventiveness 
we  called  him  "Tiger"  although  anything  less  ferocious 
than  he  would  be  hard  to  find.  He  was  more  like  a 
sheep  in  spirit  than  anything  else.     But  Charles  thought 


Being  a  Boy  Out  West  323 

he  saw  signs  of  promise  in  that  pup,  and  in  spite  of 
our  disparaging  remarks  he  clung  to  him.  Charles 
knew  a  lot  about  dogs,  or  thought  he  did,  which  was 
the  same  thing. 

I  remember  we  were  trying  to  teach  Tige  to  "lead" 
one  day.  He  had  no  more  natural  aptitude  for  leading 
than  an  unbroken  calf.  The  perverse  dog  at  last 
flattened  himself  down  on  his  stomach,  spread-eagled 
himself  on  the  ground,  and  stretched  his  four  legs  out 
as  stiff  as  he  could.  We  dragged  him  over  the  yard 
until  he  raised  a  pile  of  dirt  and  leaves  in  front  of  him 
like  a  plow  in  an  untilled  field.  He  would  not  "lead," 
although  we  nearly  choked  him  to  death  trying  to 
teach  him.  Then  we  tried  picking  him  up  by  the  ears, 
applying  that  test  for  courage  and  blood,  you  know! 
You  might  have  heard  that  dog  yelp  for  miles.  He 
had  no  spirit  at  all.  Charles  Peter  Van  Buskirk  was 
disgusted  with  him. 

We  got  out  a  can  of  wagon-grease  and  spotted  him 
artistically  to  make  him  look  like  a  coach-dog,  which 
was  legitimate,  as  coach-dogs  are  notoriously  remark- 
able for  lack  of  courage.  They  are  only  for  ornament. 
That  was  a  pretty-looking  animal  when  it  rained.  We 
changed  his  name,  too,  and  called  him  "Kitty," 
regardless  of  his  sex.  It  was  the  last  insult  to  a  dog, 
we  thought,  but  he  never  seemed  to  mind  it.  I  feel 
sorry  for  that  dog  as  I  look  back  at  him  now,  and  it 
rather  provoked  Charles  when  we  subsequently 
asked  his  opinion  of  any  other  dog.  This  we  did  as 
often  as  there  were  enough  of  us  together  to  make  it 
safe. 

When  we  felt  very  reckless,  we  used  to  go  in  swim- 
ming in  the  river,  which  was  a  very  dangerous  proceed- 
ing indeed,  for  the  Missouri  is  a  treacherous,  wicked 


324  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

stream,  full  of  "  suck-holes "  and  whirlpools  and  with 
a  tremendous  current,  especially  during  the  June 
"rise."  The  practice  was  strictly  forbidden  by  all 
right-minded  parents,  including  our  own.  Frequently, 
however,  in  compliance  with  that  mysterious  sign, 
the  first  two  fingers  of  the  right  hand  up-lifted  and  held 
wide  apart,  which  all  boys  over  a  thousand  miles  of 
country  knew  meant  "  Will  you  go  swimming  ? "  we 
would  make  up  a  party  after  school  and  try  the  flood. 

Father  usually  inspected  us  with  a  rather  sharper 
eye,  when  we  came  sneaking  in  the  back  way  after 
such  exercises.  For  a  busy  man,  father  had  a  habit, 
that  was  positively  maddening,  of  happening  upon  a 
boy  at  the  wrong  time.  We  used  to  think  we  had  no 
privacy  at  all. 

"Hum!"  he  was  wont  to  say,  looking  suspiciously  at 
our  wet,  sleek  heads  and  general  clean  appearance  — 
clean  for  us,  that  is,  for  the  Missouri  River,  sandy 
though  it  was,  was  vastly  cleaner  than  Duffy's  Pond 
or  puddles  of  that  ilk  —  "been  in  swimming  again, 
have  you  ?     In  the  river,  I'll  be  bound." 

Two  little  boys,  my  brother  and  I  would  choke  out 
some  sort  of  a  mumbling  evasion  in  lieu  of  a  reply. 

"  How  did  you  get  your  hair  wet  ? "  the  old  man  would 
continue,  rising  and  feeling  two  guilty  little  heads. 

"  Per-perspiration,  sir,"  we  would  gasp  out  faintly. 

"And  that  vile  odor  about  you?  Hey?  Is  that 
perspiration,  too?"  sniffing  the  air  with  a  grim  resolu- 
tion that  made  our  hearts  sink. 

We  had  been  smoking  drift-wood,  the  vilest  stuff 
that  anybody  can  put  in  his  mouth.  This  was  enough 
to  betray  us. 

"It's  no  use,  boys;  you  needn't  say  another  word," 
father  would  add  in  the  face  of  our  desperate  and  awful 


Being  a  Boy  Out  West  325 

attempts   at   an    adequate   explanation.     "You   know 
what  I  told  you.     Go  to  the  wood-shed!" 

Oh,  that  wood-shed !  "Abandon  ye  all  hope  who  enter 
here"  should  have  been  written  over  its  door.  Often 
mother  would  interfere  —  bless  her  tender  heart!  —  but 
not  always.  Father  was  a  small  man  of  sedentary  habits, 
not  given  to  athletic  exercises.  A  board  across  two 
barrels  afforded  a  convenient  resting-place  for  the  arms 
and  breast  of  the  one  appointed  to  receive  the  corporal 
punishment,  and  a  barrel  stave  was  an  excellent  instru- 
ment with  which  to  administer  it.  I  said  father  was 
a  small,  weak  man.  When  he  got  through  with  us 
we  used  to  think  he  would  have  made  a  splendid  black- 
smith. Our  muscles  were  pretty  strong,  and  our  skin 
callous  —  "the  hand  of  little  use  hath  the  daintier 
touch !"  —  but  they  were  as  nothing  to  his.  We 
always  tired  of  that  game  before  he  did,  although  we 
played  it  often. 

Two  of  us,  I  recall,  have  carried  large  tubs  up  the 
steep  bank  from  the  river  to  the  train  at  4  a.  m.  on  a 
summer  morning,  when  the  circus  came  to  town. 
We  were  proud  to  be  privileged  to  water  the  elephants, 
but  it  killed  us  to  split  wood  for  a  day's  burning  in  the 
kitchen  stove.  We  never  were  good  for  anything 
except  assisting  the  circus  people,  on  circus  day. 
School  was  torture,  and  it  was  generally  dismissed. 

Our  father  was  mayor  of  the  town,  and  the  mayor's 
children  usually  got  in  free.  On  one  occasion  we 
yielded  to  the  solicitations  of  our  most  intimate  friends 
and  assembled  thirty  of  them  in  a  body.  This  group 
of  children  of  all  ages  and  sizes  —  and  there  was  even 
one  lone  "nigger"  in  it  —  we  were  to  pass  through 
the  gate  by  declaring  that  we  were  the  mayor's  children. 

"Great  heavens!"   cried   the  ticket  man,   appalled 


326  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

at  the  sight,  "  How  many  blame  children  has  the  mayor 
of  the  town  got  ?  Is  he  a  Mormon,  anyway,  or  what  ? 
An'  how  about  that  one  V*  pointing  to  the  darky. 

Father  was  standing  near.  We  had  not  seen  him. 
He  turned  and  surveyed  the  multitude,  including  the 
black  boy,  that  we  had  foisted  upon  him.  It  was  a 
humorous  situation,  but  father  didn't  see  it  that  way. 
He  sent  all  of  us  home  with  a  few  scathing  words. 
My  younger  brother  and  I  wanted  to  go  to  that  circus 
more  than  we  ever  wanted  to  go  to  any  circus  before. 
We  slept  in  a  half-story  room  with  windows  opening 
on  the  porch  roof.  That  night  we  climbed  out  on  the 
roof  and  slid  down  the  porch  to  the  ground  at  the  risk 
of  breaking  our  necks. 

Henry  and  Charles  met  us  by  appointment.  We 
none  of  us  had  any  money  and  we  resolved  to  sneak 
in,  our  services  at  watering  the  elephants  not  being 
considered  worthy  of  a  ticket.  My  brother  and  I 
got  in  safely  under  the  canvas  in  one  place,  Henry 
succeeded  in  effecting  an  entrance  in  another,  but 
Charles  Peter  Van  Buskirk  got  caught.  A  flat  board 
in  the  hands  of  a  watchman  made  a  close  connection 
with  his  anatomy.  Charles  was  hauled  back,  well 
paddled  and  sent  home.  Circuses  were  a  tabooed  sub- 
ject where  he  was  concerned  for  some  time  thereafter. 

William,  my  brother,  and  I  clambered  through  the 
legs  of  the  crowd  on  the  seats  after  we  got  into  the 
canvas  tent.  As  luck  would  have  it,  we  ran  right  into 
the  arms  of  our  father.  I  was  paralyzed,  but  William 
burst  out  with  a  boldness  that  savored  of  an  inspiration, 
"  Why  father,  you  here  ?  I  thought  you  were  going  to 
prayer-meeting." 

Everybody  laughed,  father  said  nothing;  some  one 
made  room  for  us,  and  we  watched  the  performance 


Being  a  Boy  Out  West  327 

with  mingled  feelings  of  delight  and  apprehension. 
The  wood-shed  loomed  up  awfully  black  as  we  passed 
it  that  night.  We  held  our  breath.  However,  father 
never  said  anything  to  us  but,  "Good  night,  boys. 
I  hope  you  had  a  good  time." 

We  certainly  had.  And  we  escaped  the  usual  licking, 
deserved  though  it  was.     And  it  wasn't  Sunday,  either. 

But  where  was  I?  O,  yes!  Charles  Peter  Van 
Buskirk  one  Saturday  morning  announced  his  intention 
of  going  on  an  expedition  across  the  river.  Over  the 
river  from  where  we  lived  was  "Slab  Town,"  dilapi- 
dated little  settlement  of  no  social  or  moral  consideration. 
The  old  captain,  the  pilot  of  the  wheezy  ferry-boat 
Edgar,  was  our  sworn  friend,  and  allowed  us  to  ride 
free  as  often  as  we  could  get  away.  Charles  intended 
crossing  the  river  to  get  pawpaws.  A  pawpaw  is  an 
easily  mashed  fruit,  three  or  four  inches  long,  with 
a  tough  skin  inclosing  a  very  liquid  pulp  full  of  seeds, 
and  about  as  solid  as  a  cream  puff,  when  it  is  dead 
ripe.     It  grows  on  a  low,  stunted  bush-like  tree. 

We  were  mighty  fond  of  pawpaws,  but  little  fellows 
as  we  were  didn't  dare  to  cross  the  river  and  venture  into 
"Slab  Town"  or  its  vicinity,  for  such  an  excursion 
within  its  territory  usually  provoked  a  fight  with  the 
young  ruffians  of  that  hamlet,  who  hated  the  village 
boys  as  aristocrats. 

"You'd  better  not  go  over  there,  Charles,"  we  advised 
him  timorously.  "Those  Slab  Town  boys  will  take 
your  pawpaws  away  from  you." 

I  can  see  now  the  chesty  movement  with  which 
Charles  stuck  out  his  breast,  threw  back  his  shoulders, 
curved  inward  and  swung  his  arms,  and  went  away 
basket  in  hand,  remarking  in  a  lordly  manner;  "Aw, 
who's  goin'  to  take  my  pawpaws?" 


328  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

It  was  evening  when  the  rash  youth  returned.  He 
came  slinking  up  the  back  alley  in  a  vain  endeavor 
to  elude  observation,  but  we  had  a  number  of  his  and 
our  friends  on  the  watch  for  him  —  to  see  that  he 
returned  safely,  of  course  —  and  we  gave  him  a  royal 
greeting.  We  had  been  true  prophets,  though  without 
honor  in  Charles's  sight.  The  Slab  Town  boys  had 
taken  his  pawpaws  in  a  spirit  of  aggressive  appropria- 
tion, which  was  bad  enough,  but  with  rare  and  unusual 
generosity  they  had  afterward  returned  them  to  Charles. 
They  had  not  put  them  back  in  his  basket,  however, 
but  had  heaped  them  indiscriminately  upon  his  person. 
It  appears  that  he  must  have  run  for  miles  pursued  by 
a  howling  mob  of  all  the  ruffians  over  there,  engaged 
in  the  happy  pastime  of  throwing  soft,  mushy  pawpaws 
at  him.  Charles  could  hardly  see;  in  fact  he  could 
hardly  walk.  He  was  plastered  with  pawpaws  from 
his  head  to  his  feet. 

Thereafter  when  we  wanted  to  provoke  a  fight,  all 
that  was  necessary  when  the  unappreciated  portion  of 
his  name  was  flung  at  him  and  was  not  sufficient  to 
awaken  his  ire,  was  to  throw  out  our  chests,  hold  back 
our  shoulders,  curve  our  arms  and  say  in  a  throaty 
voice,  "Who's  going  to  take  my  pawpaws  ?" 

I  feel  tempted  to  use  the  old  phrase  in  certain  modern 
circumstances  to-day  when  it  seems  to  fit  some  bold  and 
reckless  endeavor.  I  have  never  forgotten  Charles's 
"  who's-goin'-to-take-ray-pawpaws  "  air ! 

We  were  sometimes  able  to  get  a  little  money  together 
by  doing  odd  jobs  —  not  for  our  parents,  however, 
but  for  the  neighbors.  We  had  plenty  of  odd  jobs 
to  do  at  home,  but  such  work  was  a  matter  of  obligation 
and  not  remunerative,  nor  was  it  interesting.  With 
this  money  Henry  and  I  each  bought  a  game-chicken, 


Being  a  Boy  Out  West  329 

which  we  kept  cooped  up  separately  in  the  back  lot 
behind  the  stable.  Neither  father  nor  mother  knew 
anything  about  it,  of  course. 

We  would  let  these  two  game-cocks  out  half  a 
dozen  times  a  day.  They  would  rush  at  each  other 
fiercely,  but  before  the  battle  was  fairly  on,  we  would 
summarily  part  them,  and  put  them  back  in  their 
coops,  which  were  placed  opposite  each  other,  when 
they  would  indulge  in  chicken-swearing  and  personal- 
ities as  much  as  they  desired.  Their  appetites  for 
fighting  were  whetted  indeed.  In  fact,  there  was  so 
much  animosity  engendered  between  these  two  birds 
that  they  would  rush  together  like  two  express  trains 
trying  to  pass  each  other  on  the  same  track  whenever 
they  were  turned  loose.  There  was  no  time  sparring 
for  time  or  position.  It  was  fight  from  the  moment 
they  saw  each  other,  although  we  never  let  them 
strike  more  than  one  blow  or  two.  A  half-minute 
round  was  enough  for  us.     I  think  it  really  scared  us. 

Charles,  in  spirit  of  revenge,  let  them  out  one  day 
during  our  absence.  When  we  got  back  from  school 
we  had  only  one  chicken  between  us.  It  was  a  wonder- 
ful chicken,  for  it  had  beaten  the  other,  although  the 
conquered  bird  had  fought  until  it  had  been  killed. 
We  burned  him  on  a  funeral  pyre  as  a  dead  gladiator, 
with  much  ceremony  and  boyish  speaking.  We  wanted 
to  sacrifice  to  his  manes  a  hen  as  his  wife,  but  finally 
concluded  to  abandon  that  part  of  the  ceremony; 
mother  kept  count  of  the  hens,  you  see. 

Of  course,  Julius  Caesar  (as  we  named  him)  had  the 
run  of  the  yard  thereafter,  there  being  no  one  to 
oppose  him.  He  led  a  very  peaceful  life  until  our 
next  door  neighbor  bought  a  large  Shanghai  rooster. 
I  forgot  now  what  particular  breed  our  rooster  was, 


330  Other  Tales  of  Adventure 

but  he  was  small,  not  much  larger  than  a  bantam. 
The  Shanghai  rooster,  which  was  a  huge  monster,  had 
the  most  provoking  crow,  large,  loud  and  aggressive. 
An  alley  intervened  between  the  yard  where  he  held 
forth  and  our  yard.  One  day  we  came  home  from 
school  and  looked  for  our  chicken.     He  was  gone! 

We  hunted  everywhere  for  him,  but  could  not  find 
him.  We  missed  the  crowing  of  the  Shanghai  rooster, 
which  had  been  frequent  and  exasperating,  I  have 
no  doubt.  The  yard  was  very  silent.  We  pursued  our 
investigations  with  zeal  and  finally  reached  the  alley. 
It  had  been  raining  heavily  for  almost  a  week,  and  the 
alley  was  a  mass  of  black,  sticky  mud.  Gazing  anx- 
iously over  the  fence,  we  heard  a  feeble  chirp  from  a 
large  gob  of  mud  in  the  alley.     It  was  our  rooster! 

The  Shanghai  had  rashly  ventured  into  supposed 
neutral  ground  in  that  alley  and  had  crowed  once 
too  often.  The  little  game  cock  had  squeezed  through 
the  fence  and  come  over  to  investigate  the  situation. 
They  had  fought  there  in  the  mud.  The  mud  was  too 
deep  for  the  Shanghai  to  run  and  the  bantam  killed 
him.  During  the  battle  the  victor  had  become  so 
covered  with  mud  that  he  could  neither  move  nor  crow 
nor  see.  He  was  in  a  worse  state  than  Charles  with  the 
pawpaws,  and  indifferent  to  honors. 

We  took  him  and  washed  him.  He  seemed  none 
the  worse  for  his  adventure,  but  that  battle  must  have 
been  a  royal  one.  It  was  the  second  one  we  had  not 
seen!  We  felt  like  the  Roman  public  deprived  of  its 
"  Circenses"  We  really  never  did  see  that  chicken 
fight,  for  he  got  the  pip  or  something,  a  few  days  after, 
perhaps  from  the  microbes  in  the  alley,  and  in  spite 
of  our  careful  nursing,  or  possibly  because  of  it,  he 
died.     He  died  just  in  time,  too,  for  after  we  had  put 


Being  a  Boy  Out  West  331 

him  away  with  more  ceremony  than  we  had  used  before, 
father  who  had  got  some  inkling  of  the  affair,  suddenly 
broke  out  at  supper:  "Boys,  are  you  keeping  game- 
cocks in  the  back  lot?     Fighting-chickens,  eh?" 

"No,  sir,"  we  both  answered  meekly,  with  a  clear 
conscience  and  a  steady  eye. 

We  had  lots  of  pets  in  those  days;  some  time  they  may 
serve  for  another  story. 


THE   END 


INDEX 


INDEX 


A 


BANCAY,  battle  of,  102. 
Acla,  Spanish  settlement, 

45-49 
Aguilar,    Geronimo    de, 
122 
Alcantara,  Martin  de,  54,  106,  107 
Alderete,    the    King's    Treasurer, 

205-212 
Alfred,  the,  Jones's  first  ship,  283 
Almagrists,  the,  106,  III 
Almagro,  Diego  de,  57-67;  88-93; 

101-104;  107 
Diego,  the  son,  104,  108,  109 
Alvarado,  Pedro  de,  called  Tona- 

tiuh,  102,  109,  174,  184,  186, 

187,  194 
Amazon  River,  105 
America,  Central,  3    ' 

South,  3,  4,  18,  27 
Anahuac,  Empire  of,  125 
Andalusia,  New,  7 
Antigua  del  Darien,  Maria  de  la, 

20,  23-27;  33-41 
Arbolancha,  42 
Arguello,  the  notary,  48, 49 
Arrows,  poisoned,  used  by  Indians, 

10,  11,  13,  14 
Astor,  John  Jacob,  261-272 

Fur  Trading  Company,  262 
Astoria,  262-276 
Atahualpa,  71-92;  108 
Avila,     Pedro    Arias    de,     called 

Pedrarias,   32-35;   42-50;   56 
Ayxacatl,  169,  176 


Aztec  Empire,  115,  116,  125,  132 
Holy  of  Holies,  134 
wealth,  135 
last  of  the  Kings,  219 
Aztecs,  the,  69,  116,  125-130;  133, 
176,  182-187;  194-198;  215- 
219 


B 


O  ADAJOZ,  53 

±J     Bahamas,  the,  4 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nuftez  de,  accom- 
panies Encisco  to  San  Sebas- 
tian, 19 
placed  in  charge  at  Antigua,  20 
seeks  to  serve  Nicuesa,  25 
further  adventures,  31-50 
referred  to,  107 

Barron,  James,  251,  252 

Bastidas,  an  explorer,  5 

"Battery  of  the  Fearless,"  referred 
to,  74  (footnote) 

Bay,  Chesapeake,  4 

Bentham,  Jeremy,  248 

Biddle,  Major  Thomas,  255 

Biru,  land  of,  early  name  of  Peru, 

56 
chieftain  named,  56 

Bonhomme  Richard,  the,  285,  286 

Bowie,  James,  252-254 

knives,  253 

Brackett,  Charles,  305 

Broderick,  Senator,  256-258 

Buccaneers,  the,  3 

Burr,  Aaron,  248 


335 


336 


Index 


CABOT,  JOHN,  4 
Cabral,Portuguese  explorer,5 
Caceres,  53 
Cacique,  Indian,  Caonabo,  6 

Cemaco,  20 

Careta,  of  Cueva,  36 

Comagre,  37,  56 

ofTenepal,  115 

Monteczuma,  so  called  in  Cor- 
tes's  letter,  156 

Quahpopoca,  172 

of  Tlacuba,  216 
Cannibalism  universal  among  Az- 
tecs, 126 
Capac,  Manco,  68,  85,  92,  93,  95, 
in,  112 

Huayna,  71, 108 
Cape,  de  la  Vela,  7 

Gracias  a  Dios,  7 
Careta,  Cacique  of  Cueva,  36 
Caribbean  Sea,  3,  13 
Carrero,  Alonzo  de  Puerto,  123 
Cartagena,  10, 18 
Carvajal,  ioo-ni 
Castile,  Golden,  8 

King  of,  40 

Joanna  of,  41 
Castro,  Vaca  de,  100 
Caverns,  Infernal,  ot  Pitt  River,  31 1 
Caxamarca,  massacre  of,  73-85 
Cempoalla,  town  of,  135 

Cacique  of,  135 

people  of,  135,  166 
Central  America,  3 
Chalcuchimo,  72,  85,  92 
Chapus,  field  of,  109 
Charles  V.,  of  Spain,  82, 88,  92, 95, 

109,  137,  147,217,218,220 
Chase,  Owen,  mate  of  the  Essex, 

231 
Chaves,  Francisco  de,  106 
Chesapeake,  Bay,  4 

American  ship,  251 


Chili,  Almagro  goes  to,  93 
Valdivia  partially  conquers,  109 
Men  of,  102-107 
coast  of,  231,  237 
Cholula,  140,  145,  146 
Cholulans,  the,  145,  146,  194 
Cilley,  Jonathan,  255,  256 
Cipango,  referred  to,  37 
Claverhouse,  compared  with  Cor- 
tes, 120 
Coatzacualco,  Province  of,  115 
Colmenares,  Rodrigo  de,  23 
Columbus,  Christopher,  4, 5,  6,  23, 
37,  117,  132 
Diego,  9,  35 
Comagre,  Indian  chief,  37,  56 
Conception,  a  whaling  ground,  231 
Cordova,  Gonsalvo  de,  117 
Cortes,  Hernando  (or  Fernando), 
mentioned,  9,  75,  107;  lands 
at  Vera  Cruz,  116;  story  of  his 
birth  and  early  life,  117;  voy- 
age to   Santo   Domingo   and 
Cuba,  118;  described  by  Helps 
and    Diaz,    11 8-1 20;   expedi- 
tion    to     Mexico,     120-125; 
march  to  Tenochtitlan,   130; 
personal    character    of,    133; 
describes   Tlascala,    138-140; 
massacres      Cholulans,     145, 
146;  describes  Mexico,   147- 
162;  meets  Montezuma,  162- 
167;  seizes  the  Emperor,  171— 
173;    Mexico    rebels    against, 
175;  attacks  Mexico,  192-218; 
the  end  of,  218-223;  descrip- 
tions of,  223-228 
Cosa,  Juan  de  la,  4,  5,  7, 10, 12 
Costa  Rica,  21 

Coya,  the  Inca's  legal  wife,  72 
Crook,  George,  301-31 1 
Crozier,   William,  captain  of  the 

brig  Indian,  240 
Cuba,  3,  16,  55,  120 
Cueyabos,  16 


Index 


337 


Cuitlahua,  136,  176,  191 

Cuzco,  75,  85,  87,  92,  93,  102-111 


PJARIEN,  Isthmus  of,  5,  26,  32, 

***    37>  55,  109 

Maria   de   la   Antigua   del,   20, 

23-27;  33741 
Quevedo,  Bishop  of,  33,  44 
Dauphin,      Nantucket      Whaler, 

242 
Davila,  another  name  for  Pedra- 

rias,  32  (footnote) 
De  Candia,  66,  73,  79,  104,  109 
Decatur,  Stephen,  251,  252 
De   Soto,  Hernando,  ^y,  67,  68; 

77-89;  107 
Despotism,  communistic,  form  of 

government  on  South  Amer- 
ican coast,  68 
Diaz,  Bernal,  119,  124,  134,  135, 

167,  179  (footnote),  223,  224, 

225 
Porfirio,  224 
Dickinson,  Charles,  248-250 
Dios,  Nombre  de,  23, 36 
Disappointment,  Cape,  269,  270 
Duras,  Due  de,  an  East  Indiaman, 

285 


E 


PL  DORADO,  9, 57, 59, 93 

M-J    El  Galan,  nickname  of  Pe- 

drarias,  33 
El  Justador,  nickname  of  Pedrar- 

ias,  33 
Encisco,  8;  17-20;  31,  32;  42,  66 
English,  their  first  appearance  on 

the  South  American  coast,  5 
Espinosa,  33,  48,  60 
Esquivel,  Juan  de,  9 


Essex,  the  whaleship,  231-242 
Estremadura,    birthplace    of    the 
Pizarros,  53 
birthplace  of  Cortes,  117 


pELIPPO,  the    interpreter,  82, 

89,90 
Ferdinand,  King,  of  Spain,  5,  7, 

41 
Fiske,  John,  4,  43,  63  (footnote), 

122,  125,  168,  226 
Florida,  4 

Fonseca,  Bishop,  7,  ^ 
Fox,  Ebenezer,  268,  269 
"Furor  Domini,"  name  given  tc 

Pedrarias,  43 


OALLO,  Island  of,  62 
^-*       Garavito,  Andres,  47 
Gasca,  110-112 
Golden  Castile,  8 
Gonzales,  Francisca,  54 
Gorgona,  Island  of,  63 
Graves,  William  J.,  255,  256 
Grijilva,  Juan  de,  120 
Guatemoc       ( or     Guatemotzin  ), 

*37>  l77>  *9l>  *93>  J94,  216, 
225 
Guatemotzin,    popular   name    for 

Guatemoc,  191,  216 
Guayaquil,  Gulf  of,  67 
Gulf,  of  Mexico,  3 

explorations  on,  coast,  5 
of  Darien,  5,  20,  55 
of  Uraba,  7 
of  Venezuela,  7 
of  San  Miguel,  56 
of  Guayaquil,  67 
Guzman,  Tello  de,  50 


338 


Index 


H 


HAMILTON,  ALEXANDER, 
248 
Helps,  Sir  Arthur,  the  historian, 

referred  to,  63  (footnote),  70, 

78,  118,   124,  178,  188,  220, 

224 
Herrera,  referred  to,  179  (footnote) 
Honduras,  4,  5,  8,  13,  219 
Hopkins,  Sterling  A.,  257 
Horn,  Cape,  266 
Horses  introduced  to  the  natives 

of  South  America,  13 
Huarina,  battlefield  of,  no 
Huascar,  son  of  Huayna,  72,  85, 

108 
Huitzilopochtli,  Aztec  god  of  war, 

126,  127,  184 


INCA,  the  young,  Manco  Capac, 
68 
the,  Empire,  69 
civilization,  69 
"  Child  of  the  Sun,"  71 
Pizarro's  capture  of  the,  75-84, 
ransom  and  murder  of  the,  85-92 
and   Peruvians   strike   for  free- 
dom, 93-102 
Incas,  the,  69-112 
Independence,  the,  privateer,  284 
Indian,  the  brig,  of  London,  240 
Indian  wife,  Balboa's,  37,  44,  47, 

AS 
Indians,  Warm  Spring,  302-306 

Indies,  the,  7,  8,  10 

Isabella,    Queen,    and    her    court 

mentioned,  6 
Island,  of  Gallo,  the,  62,  63  (foot- 
note) 
of  Gorgona,  the,  63 
of  Puna,  67 


Island,  St.  Mary's,  231,  242 

Ducie,  239,  242 

of  Massafera,  240 
Islands,  Society,  237 

Sandwich,  237,  267 

Cape  Verde,  264 

Falkland,  265 

Vancouver,  271 
Isles  of  Pearls,  59 
Isthmus,  of  Danen,  5,  26,  32,  ^J, 
109,  116 

of  Panama,  5,  27,  50,  no 
Ixlilxochitl,  referred  to,  179  (foot- 
note) 
Ixtaccihuatl,  144 
Iztatapalan,  195 


JACKSON,  ANDREW,  248-250 

•*     Jamaica,  8,  17 

Jones,  John  Paul,  281-297 
William  Paul,  290-295 
Mrs.  Willie,  290,  296 
Colonel  Cadwallader,  296 

Joy,  Matthew,  mate  of  the  Essex, 

231,  239 
Juarez,  Benito,  224 


K 


TT-ING,  JOHN  II.  of  France,  re- 
■*■*■     ferred  to,  86  (footnote) 
Kirk,  referred  to,  63  (footnote) 


T  EOPARD,  British  ship,  251 
**-*       Lepe,  an  explorer,  5 
Lewis,  James,  263-277 
Lima,  93, 98, 101 ,  105, 1 1 1 


Index 


339 


Lorenzana,    Archbishop,    referred 

to,  198  (footnote) 
Louden,  Mary  Paul,  sister  of  John 

Paul  Jones,  291 
Luque,  60-67 
Lyons,  James,  305 


M 

McKAY,  262-277 
MacNutt,  referred  to,  128, 
225 

Maddox,  Dr.,  252 

Madigan,  John,  307-311 

Magellan,   referred   to,   39    (foot- 
note), 61  (footnote) 
Straits  of,  109 

Main,  the  Spanish,  3,  5 

Malinal  (or  Marina)  115, 116;  123- 
125;  135,  145,  219 

Malinche,  shorter  form  of  Malin- 
tzin,  124,  208,  209,  217 

Malintzin,  Aztec  name  for  Cortes, 
124 

Marco  Polo,  referred  to,  -^j 

Maria,  Donna,  daughter  of  Cortes, 

.223 
Marina,  Malinal,  baptized  as,  124 

Markham,  referred  to,  4,  63  (foot- 
note), 78,  87 
Massacre  of  Caxamarca,  73-85 
Maxixcatzin,  141 
Mayas,  the,  122 

Medellin,  native  city  of  Cortes,  117 
Mexico,  the  Gulf  of,  3, 1 16 

the  country  of,  53,  127 

Aztec  Empire  of,  115,  125 

shores  of,  117 

City  of,  125,  137,  146-162 

Republic  of,  126,  224 

valley  of,  144,  218 

King  of,  217 
Mexitl,  one  of  the  names  of  Aztec 

war  god,  126 


Montezuma  Xocoyotzin,  Emperor 
of  Mexico,  115;  sends  mes- 
sengers to  Cortes,  135,  137; 
described,  136,  137;  and  the 
Tlascalans,  140,  141 ;  agrees 
to  receive  Cortes,  143;  meet- 
ing with  Cortes,  162-168; 
seizure  of,  171-173;  deposed, 
176;  end  of,  178-180 


N 

NAPOLEON   at    Toulon,    re- 
ferred to,  74  (footnote) 
Narvaez,  Panfilo  de,  174, 175 
Navigators,  the  fifteenth-century,  4 
New  Andalusia,  7 
Newity,  Nootka  village,  271 
Nicuesa,  Diego   de,  3,  5,  8,  20, 

27 
Nombre  de  Dios,  23, 36 
Nootkas,  the  271 


Q  JEDA,  ALONZA  DE,3;heads 

^S  first  important  expedition 
along  South  American  coast, 
4;  second  voyage,  5;  arrives 
at  Santo  Domingo,  8;  adven- 
tures of,  10-19;  referred  to,  55 

Olano,  Lope  de,  21,  22,  24 

Ordaz,  144 

Orellano,  commander  under  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro,  105 

Orgonez,  102,  103 

Orinoco,  the,  4 

Otumba,  valley  of,  191 

Otumies,  tribe  of,  141 

Ovando,  an  explorer  with  Nicuesa, 

■     .  7 

Oviedo,  quoted,  56,  57,  179  (foot- 
note) 


340 


Index 


DACIFIC,     the,     so    called    by 
•*•        Magellan,  39  (footnote) 

discovery  of,  39-42 

Balboa  reaches,  45 
Painala,  town  of,  115 

Lord  of,  115 
Panama,  Pedrarias  dies  at,  50 

Pedrarias  the  founder  and  gov- 
ernor of,  56 

Pizarro  living  in,  57 

Pizarro  sends  ship  to,  62 

Pedro  de  los  Rios,  governor  of, 
62 

referred  to,  63,  65,  66 

States,  116 
Parnell,  W.  R.,  306-311 
"Pearl  Coast,"  the,  4 
Pedrarias,  32-35;  42~5°;  I07 
Perez,  Gomez,  111,112 
Peru,  40,  53,  63,  64,  66,  68,  93,  95, 

105,  109,  237 
Peruvians,  the,  69-102 
Pettis,  Congressman  Spencer,  255 
Philip  II.  65 
Pizarrists,  the,  106 
Pizarro,  Francisco,  9,  16,  18,  38- 

40;  48,  54,  55-107 
Hernando,   54,  55,  67,  79,   93, 

96-108 
Juan,  54,  96-90 
Gonzalo,  the  father,  53,  54 
Gonzalo,  the  son,  54,  96-101 
Pedro,  90 
Pizarros,  the,  46,  67,  96,  104,  105, 

108-110 
Pizons,  the,  explorers,  5 
Pollard,    James,    captain    of    the 

Essex,  231 
Popocatepetl,  144 
Popotla,  190 
Porto  Rico,  5 

Potosi,    the    mines    of,    65,    109, 
no 


Prescott,  the  historian,  referred  to, 
63  (footnote) 

reference  to  account  of  Inca  civi- 
lization by,  69 

reference  to  amount  of  Inca's 
ransom,  according  to,  87 


a 


QUAREQUA,  Indian  chief,  39 
Quetzalcoatl,    Toltec     god, 
120,  136 
Quevedo,  Bishop  of  Darien,  33 
Quichua,  the  language  of  Peru,  82 
Quinones,  Antonio  de,  202 
Quito,  71,  91,  105,  109 
Quiz-Quiz,  72,  85 


"D  ADA,  JUAN  DE,  105-112 
■^      Ranger,  the,  one  of  Jones's 

ships,  284 
Ribero,  Diego  de,  21,  22 
Rios,  Pedro  de  los,  62,  65 
Ruiz,  60-63  (and  footnote),  65,  66 


CACSAHUAMAN,  94,  97-99 

^   Salamanca,  University  of,  117 

Salinas,  the  plains  of,  103 

San  Mateo,  67 

San  Miguel,  41,  56,  73 

San  Sebastian,  14,  16,  17,  19 

Santiago  River,  66 

Santo  Domingo,  8,  14,  19,  118 

"Scourge    of    God,"    the,    name 

given  to  Pedrarias,  43 
Sea,  Caribbean,  3 
Sea   of  the   South,   so   called   by 

Balboa,  39 


Index 


34i 


Serapisy  the  battle  with  the,  285- 

287 
Shoshone  nation,  301-304 
Slavery,   human,   introduced    into 

Peru  by  Christians,  95 
South  Sea,  the,  so  called  by  Balboa, 

39 

voyage,  44 

Pizarro's  first  sight  of,  56 
Spanish,  Main,  the,  3,  5 

Court,  the,  6,  7 

rule  in  Mexico,  226 

in  Peru,  226 
"  Starvation  Harbor,"  58,  59 


npABASCANS,the,  116, 123, 134 
■■■      Tabasco,  122 
Tacuba,  190, 109,  206,  216 
Tafur,  Pedro,  62-65 
Talavera,  16,  17 
Temixtitan,  name  for  Mexico,  147, 

148,  162 
Temple  of  the  Sun,  at  Cuzco,  87 
Tenochtitlan,  or  City  of  Mexico, 

125 

the  march  to,  130-137 
Teocalli,  145 

Terry,  Ex-chief  Justice,  256-258 
Teules,  Aztec  name  for  Cortes  and 

his  followers,  136 
Texcoco,  136 

Tezcatlipoca,  Aztec  god,  127 
Tezcocans,  the,  194 
Tezcoco,  province  of,  194;  lake  of, 

x95 
Thorn,  Jonathan,  261-275 
Tianguizco,  199 
Tlacopan,  128 

Tlaloc,  Aztec  god  of  waters,  126 
Tlaltelulco,  199 

Tlascala,  136,  138-140,  141,  190- 
192 


Tlascalans,  the,  140-144, 166, 191- 

219 
Toltecs,  the,  125,  129,  130 
Tonquin,  the  ship,  261-277 
Toparca,  92 

Torquemada,  referred  to,  179  (foot- 
note) 
Totonacs,  the,  136 
Toulon,  Napoleon  at,  74  (footnote) 
Treasure,  the,  of  Peru,  64 
Trujillo,  53,  66 
Tumbez,  town  of,  65 

Almagro  made  Governor  of,  66 

Pizarro  lands  at,  68 


V 
{JRABA,Gulfof,7 


\TALDlVlAt  lieutenant  of  Fran- 
™     cisco  Pizarro,  31,  109 

Valparaiso,  240,  242 

Valsa,  the  river,  45 

Valverde,  Fra  Vincente  de,  80-83; 
90,91,111 

Vega,  Garcilasso  de  la,  63  (foot- 
note) 

Vela,  Blasco  Nunez,  109 

Velasquez,  Diego  de,  118-121;  131 
Juan,  183-186 

Venezuela,  Gulf  of,  7 

Veragua,  5,  13,  27 

Vera  Cruz,  116,  130,  134,  135 

Vespucci,  Amerigo,  4 


W 


\XfALLACE, Lew,  quoted,  131, 
Weeks,  Armorer,  269-277 


342 


Index 


Wells,  Samuel,  252 
Winsor,  4 


X 


V  AQUIXAGUANA,  valley  of, 
-**»       no,  III 

Xicalango,  traders  of,  116 
Xicotencatl,  141-143 
Xuaca,  85 


YUCATAN  coast,  122 
Yucay,  mountains  of,  100 


^AMUDIO,  20,  31,  32,  35, 38 


THE  COUNTRY  LIFE  PRESS 
GAEDEN  CITY,  N.  Y. 


14  DAY  USE 

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